Pseudo-Apollodorus, Library Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae Diogenes Laertius, Vitae Philosophorum

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2 Table of Contents Acknowledgements...2 Abbreviations Cult and Identity in Ancient Thorikos The Earliest Cults of Thorikos: The Cults of the Dead...9 Identifying the 'Cults of the Dead'...9 The Geometric House-Cults...12 The Mycenaean Tomb-Cults...21 Another cult on the Acropolis?...30 Conclusion The Cults of the Late-Archaic and Classical Period...32 The Cult of Dionysos (C/D 4)...32 Insula 10 (A1 H/I 8/9)...40 A Temple for Demeter? (Adami Plain)...46 The Votive-Terrace (A52)...52 Conclusion The Sacrificial Calendar of Thorikos...55 The Cults of the Calendar: The Gods...57 The Cults of the Calendar: The Heroes...64 Locating the Cults...69 Conclusion Conclusion...80 Appendix I: Sacrificial Calendar Text and Translation...84 Appendix II: Sacrificial Calendar Table...87 List of Illustrations...96 Bibliography...97 Translations of Primary Sources

3 Acknowledgements Without the help and contribution of many people I would not have been able to finish this thesis. Therefore, I would like to use this opportunity to express my gratitude to some people. First, I am very grateful to my supervisor dr. Floris van den Eijnde for introducing me to the lovely site of Thorikos and bringing me to the archaeological campaigns of 2013, 2014 and Besides, his enthusiasm and wisdom are a true inspiration, not only during the writing of this thesis, but also during his courses. Secondly, I would like to thank my second reader, prof. dr. Josine Blok, for her valuable feedback and suggestions concerning the content of this thesis. She has truly motivated me throughout my study to achieve the most. I would also like to thank dr. Michel Buijs, prof. dr. Leonard Rutgers, dr. Saskia Stevens, and dr. Rolf Strootman of the Ancient History department of Utrecht University for their inspiration and wisdom. All have supported me in their own way and gave me valuable advices during my years of study. I owe my deepest gratitude to the Dutch Institute in Athens (NIA) for assigning to me a research scholarship, as a result of which I was able to stay in Athens for three weeks to work on this thesis. This enabled me to visit the archaeological site of Thorikos and the many libraries in Athens, at which I spent most of the time during my visit. I am really indebted to the staff of the Dutch Institute for their hospitality and advice. It also gives me a great pleasure to thank my fellow students of the researchmaster Ancient Studies: Tanya Sieiro van der Beek, Denise Goossens, Merel Kosters, Wil Theuns and Robin van Vliet. Their advice and support concerning this thesis will not soon be forgotten, neither will be our lovely study-travels and pleasant conversations. I also owe my gratitude to Amber Brüsewitz, who supported me during the writing of this thesis with her advices concerning the archaeological site of Thorikos and motivated me with her never-ending enthusiasm. Finally, this thesis would not have been possible without the support of my parents, Bauke Hiemstra and Heerrina Hiemstra-Kruizinga, my brothers Elmer, Alrik and Harald, and my partner, Guido Boskaljon. Their encouragement throughout my years of study were sometimes really required. Thank you. Marinde Hiemstra, August,

4 Abbreviations Ael. VH. Aelian, Varia Historia Aesch. Ag. Aeschylus, Agamemnon Apollod. Pseudo-Apollodorus, Library Ath. Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae D.L. Diogenes Laertius, Vitae Philosophorum Eratosth. Er. Eratosthenes, Erigone Eur. Hel. Euripides, Helen Conon Narr. Konon, Narratives FGrHist F. Jacoby, Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker (Leiden 1964) Hdt. Herodotus, The Histories HH. Homeric Hymns Hsch. Lex. Hesychius, Alexandrini Lexicon IG Inscriptiones Graecae Nonn. D. Nonnos, Dionysiaca Ov. Met. Ovidius, Metamorphoses Paus. Pausanias, Description of Greece PCG R. Kassel and C. Austin, Poetae comici Graeci vol. 2 (Berlin 1991) Pherec. Th. Pherekydes, Theogony Plut. Ant. Plutarchus, Antonius RO P. J. Rhodes and R. Osborne (eds), Greek Historical Inscriptions, BC (Oxford 2007) SEG Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum Strab. Strabo, Geography TC Thorikos Ceramics TE Thorikos Epigraphy TT Thorikos Terracotta Thuc. Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian war Xen. Hell. Xenophon, Hellenica 3

5 Fig. 1. View of the Velatouri in Thorikos from the south-west. Fig. 2. Plan of the excavations in Thorikos until

6 1. Cult and Identity in Ancient Thorikos Religion was deeply embedded in Greek society, and played an important role in all aspects of ancient life, such as politics, economics, and culture. Religion was thus for a large part shaping people's view of the world and the way they thought about themselves operating in that world. As Charles W. Hedrick argues: 'Religion could in fact be seen as society's worship of itself'. 1 Many scholars have highlighted the influence of religion on the shaping of a shared identity amongst a group of people in ancient Greece.2 According to them, through participation in religious cults, and in particular in ritual practices, a common identity was created for the members of the cult. Moreover, this common identity defined the members of the cult to the outside world as belonging together. An example of the importance of religious cults for the establishment of a common identity can be perceived in the speech of the Athenian Kleokritos in Xenophon's Hellenica. At the end of the battle at Piraeus against the Thirty in 403 BC, Kleokritos gave the following speech to his fellow-citizens: 'Fellow citizens, why do you drive us out of the city? Why do you wish to kill us? For we never did you any harm, but we have shared with you in the most solemn rites and sacrifices and the most splendid festival [ ]. In the name of the gods of our fathers and mothers, in the name of our ties of kinship and marriage and comradeship, - for all these many of us share with one another- cease, out of shame before gods and men, to sin against your fatherland, and do not obey those most accursed Thirty'.3 In his speech Kleokritos argues that people who were bound through ritual practises and celebrated festivals together, should not harm and kill each other. The rituals and sacrifices were already performed by their ancestors, but when the Tyrants seized power those who had shared in ancestral rituals together, now became enemies.4 The speech of Kleokritos describes an example of the way religious rituals and festivals in Athenian cults created a defined identity between the members of cults, who were in that way distinguished as participants or outsiders. Religious cults functioned on different levels, from the level of the polis to the levels of the deme and the family. On these different levels, participation in cults shaped and defined a shared Hedrick (2007), p Burkert (1985), p. 8. Sourvinou-Inwood (1990), p Parker (1996), p. 3. Bremmer (1999), p. 1. Hedrick (2007), p Xen. Hell Translation: Carleton L. Brownson. In the chapters 2 and 3 I will come back to the important role of ancestor-cults in the religious practices of the ancient Greeks, and especially their role in Thorikos. 5

7 identity.5 In this thesis I will focus on the cults of the Attic deme of Thorikos to gain insight into the influence of religious cults on the shaping of a shared identity of the citizens of an Attic deme. Thorikos is a fine example for such a study, since it is well-documented and did not see any rebuilding after antiquity. Moreover, the evidence for religious cults in this town is diverse. The archaeological material shows where religious cults were located and presents us with information about certain ritual acts performed in the cults. Besides, Thorikos appears in a few mythological narratives to which I will come back later. These myths highlight the importance of the town for certain deities and make us aware of the way the people of Thorikos were represented in myth. The last kind of evidence for this study is the sacrificial calendar of Thorikos. 6 This calendar contains a list of gods and heroes that received sacrifices from the people of Thorikos and mentions some specifications of cult-rituals. This evidence combined presents us with a good example of what kind of cults were located in Thorikos and how these cults were used to create a shared identity of the citizens of this town. Therefore the main question of this thesis is: How did the people of Thorikos use various aspects of local religion (cults, rituals and mythology) to create a distinct local identity? With the term 'local' or 'locally' I refer to the geographical area that influenced and was influenced by the religious cults of the town of Thorikos. 'Local' can thus mean something different in various periods and is dependent on the area of influence of the religious cults in that period. Before continuing, the term 'cult' needs elaboration as well, since this term is central to this study. The main practice of cults are the rituals performed in them. In this case rituals can be, for example, sacrifices, libations, and feasting. Rituals were often performed on fixed times and places, and were transmitted from generation to generation.7 The members of the cult were performing rituals in celebration of the recipient of the cult and these rituals were created to fit the practices of the cult. The cults itself were thus for a large part defined by the set of rituals performed in them, which created and established a common group-identity. Cults can thus be seen as a practice of rituals that were often performed continuously from generation to generation. These sets of rituals in cults were performed for a recipient, and in this thesis I will use the word 'recipient' in a broad sense of the term. Cults could be founded for the worship of a god or goddess. However, similar sets of rituals were also performed for heroes and heroines, and for ancestors. As we will see, in the case of Thorikos these three different types of recipients are visible In her book on early Greek states Catherine Morgan introduces the idea of 'tiers of identity' to highlight the different layers for shaping identity in a Greek community. According to her, cults, myths and graves are important markers for shaping identity. Morgan (2003), p On these different layers in Greek society see also: Mikalson (2010), p SEG The date of the calendar is the late fifth or early fourth century BC. Burkert (1985), p. 8 and

8 in the archaeological record and in this thesis I will thus focus on the cults for gods, as well as the cults for heroes and ancestors. In summary, by the term 'cult' I mean the practice of certain continuous rituals by a group of people which defines this group as belonging together, and in which the recipient can be a god, a hero, or an ancestor. Thorikos as a Case-Study In this thesis I focus on the religious identity of a local community instead of the polis as a whole to gain insight into the role of religion on a local level. To narrow down this research, and to have a clear focus, I will subdivide the main question of this thesis into three sub-questions. The first subquestion is concerned with the cult-group. Who participated in the cults of Thorikos and what was the range of influence of these cults? Participation defined who were included and excluded from the cult, and thus did or did not have a share in the shaping of a common identity. As mentioned before, cults functioned on different levels and therefore I will focus on the cult-practices of the polis, the deme and the family. I will discuss the cults of Thorikos chronologically to have an idea about possible changes in the practices of these cult-groups. The second sub-question is: what kind of rituals were performed in Thorikos and are there possible similarities or differences between the practices in different cults? Are there, for example, specific focusses on cult-practices that stand out in Thorikos? The town of Thorikos was one of the oldest towns in Attica and through cults could have developed an identity with specific characteristics of its own.8 A study into the religious cults of Thorikos could thus shed light on such a changing identity over time and helps us define this identity of the citizens of Thorikos. The third sub-question focusses on the interconnectivity between the cults and the historical narrative, and how the cults were influenced by historical changes. As mentioned before, religion was interconnected with different aspects of ancient life, and changes in these aspects could have affected the cults as well. Are there changes visible in the chronology that somehow influenced cultlife in Thorikos? For example, Christiane Sourvinou-Inwood argues that the demes were highly influenced by the affairs of the polis, especially also in the field of religion.9 The study of religion in Thorikos might indicate if local cult-life was indeed influenced by changes in the history of the polis as a whole, like the Kleisthenic reforms in 508/7 BC Mussche (1974), p. 23. The site of Thorikos was already inhabited from the Early Bronze Age (ca BC) onwards. Sourvinou-Inwood (1990), p From 508/7 BC onwards the political reforms of Kleisthenes led among others to the decrease of power of local families and a growing influence of the polis as a central organised institution. Besides, these reforms bound local people together through their place of residence and eponymous tribe-hero. Whitehead (1986b), p

9 The three sub-questions are the focus of the discussed material in all chapters of this thesis. The chapters are divided chronologically to give a clear idea of the development of the cults over time. In chapter 2 I will discuss the oldest known cults of Thorikos: the cults of the dead. The focus of this chapter is on the archaeological material at the Geometric houses and the Mycenaean tombs excavated in Thorikos. These cults of the dead were local cults founded by families for the veneration of ancestors to highlight their connection with their family and the past. From the late sixth century BC onwards, the reforms of Kleisthenes changed the political order of Attica and new religious cults emerged. In chapter 3 I will discuss these newly established cults in Thorikos. Chapter 4 focusses on the sacrificial calendar of Thorikos. This calendar provides us with an overview of the recipients that received sacrifices on behalf of the deme, and the festivals that were celebrated in Thorikos from the late fifth or early fourth century BC onwards. Before moving on to the actual chapters, a short note on the archaeological site is necessary. The entire site of the town of Thorikos is divided in the archaeological record into macro-squares of 50 metres by 50 metres.11 All macro-squares have their own number, and are again divided in micro-squares of 25 metres by 25 metres. In this thesis I will refer to the numbers of these squares on the map to show where the archaeological remains are located (Fig. 3). Fig. 3. Map of the Velatouri-excavations in Thorikos X (2011), p

10 2. The Earliest Cults of Thorikos: The Cults of the Dead Identifying the 'Cults of the Dead' In Thorikos the oldest forms of cult practice are the so-called 'cults of the dead'. In scholarly debate distinctions have been made between different practices of cults of the dead. The cult of the dead is often divided in terms like the cults of heroes, the cults of ancestors, and the cults of tombs. 12 Scholars have proposed different ideas about the origins and the connection between these forms of cults of the dead. In particular, this discussion is about the different practices of these cults and the way they came into existence. However, the main problem in this debate is that we do not know with certainty from our primary evidence how the people in antiquity saw this distinction, and if they saw a distinction in these types of cult at all. Before I start discussing the material of Thorikos, it is necessary to discuss this terminology and understand the contexts of the emergence of these cults. Terminology Scholars have not yet agreed upon the definitions of the different forms of cults of the dead: the cult of ancestors, the cult of heroes and the cult of tombs. In scholarly discourse the terminology is often disorderly used, although some scholars see clear distinctions between these terms. 13 These scholars especially see a distinction between the cults of heroes and the cult of ancestors. These cults are both cults for the dead, in which a dead hero or a dead ancestor is venerated and receives cultic attention. The ancestor-cults were probably the oldest form of cult of the dead and included the veneration of the recently deceased family-members. After their death these ancestors continued to play an important role in the lives of their descendants. This led to the establishment of a cult surrounding the graves of the ancestors, in order to preserve this bond with the ancestors and create a connection between the past and the present which shaped the family's identity. 14 The honouring of a specific ancestor in an ancestor-cult was much more of an individual practice, while a much larger group of society was bound to the dead hero through the rituals of the hero-cult. 15 The cults of the recently deceased were probably established already in the early years of the eighth century, or Antonaccio (1995), p. 6. Parker (1996), p. 37. Mazarakis Ainian (1999), p Ekroth (2002), p. 14. See for various views on the different terminology of these types of cults: Antonaccio (1995), p. 6. Hägg (1999), p. 37. Mazarakis Ainian (1999), p. 18. Ekroth (2007), p Mazarakis Ainian (1997), p Hägg (1999), p. 37. Kearns (2010), p Hägg (1999), p

11 even earlier.16 The hero-cults emerged a little later than the ancestor-cults in the middle of the eighth century BC.17 Some scholars have argued that the hero-cults derived from the ancestor-cults and therefore have a lot in common.18 However, other scholars also brought forward other reasons for the emergence of the hero-cults in the eighth century, which can mainly be divided into two types of explanations. These explanations are both linked to major events in the eighth century. 19 Firstly, in the older scholarly literature, scholars have argued that hero-cults must have originated from the Homeric epic.20 In short, these scholars argue that the heroes of the Homeric epics captured the imagination of the peoples of the eighth century, so that they started to honour these Homeric heroes at the ancient Mycenaean tombs. The appearance of these great tombs must have had an overwhelming influence on the viewer of the eighth century, whose own burial practice were plain and small in comparison to these impressive Mycenaean tombs. 21 A second explanation for the origination of hero-cults focusses on the emergence of the poleis in the eighth century and the influence this had on the people and cult-practice at the Mycenaean tombs. 22 According to these scholars, the hero-cults came into existence since local aristocrats were strengthening the legitimation of their land-possessions by claiming the deceased in the Mycenaean tombs in that area as their ancestors. As Alexandros Mazarakis Ainian argues, and with which I agree, it is very likely that there were multiple reasons for the people in the eighth century to start worshipping heroes at Mycenaean tombs, as a result of which we should look to each case separately before arguing why a cult at a particular tomb came into existence.23 The third category of cults of the dead, which is often separately mentioned, is the cult of tombs. The cult of tombs refers to the cults founded at tombs in which cult-practices took place, contrary to the worship of heroes at, for example, shrines.24 These tomb-cults were often hero-cults founded at Mycenaean tombs, which also demonstrates that this category frequently coincides with the hero-cults. This indeed shows that this categorization of cults of the dead can be very vague. Therefore, it is also important to keep in mind that modern scholars created these categories and the same categorization did not have to be this strict for the people who founded these cults in antiquity. Although the terminology is vague, for the sake of clarity I will also use this categorisation Antonaccio (1995), p Mazarakis Ainian (1997), p Mazarakis Ainian (1999), p. 10. Ekroth (2002), p. 14. Coldstream (1977), p Snodgrass (2000), p Nagy (1979), p Antonaccio (1995), p. 1. Mazarakis Ainian (1999), p. 10 and 34. See for a good overview of this debate: Mazarakis Ainian (1997), p Farnell (1920), p Coldstream (1976), p Coldstream (1977), p Coldstream (1977), p Mazarakis Ainian (1997), p Ekroth (2007), p Mazarakis Ainian (1999), p. 10. Larson (1995), p. 9. Snodgrass (2000), p Ekroth (2007), p

12 in this thesis. I will refer to the cults at the tombs in Thorikos as hero-cults and not tomb-cults, since all tomb-cults that are found in Thorikos until now are cults for heroes at Mycenaean tombs. Besides, in this case the term tomb-cult is more vague than the term hero-cult. The term ancestorcult will be used in this thesis to define the cults that are founded for the recently deceased. Both these hero-cults and the ancestor-cults refer to cults of the dead, which is the overarching definition I will use in this thesis to refer to both cults. To gain an understanding of the similarities and differences of these cults in Thorikos I will now discuss the archaeological material of Thorikos. Firstly, I will discuss the evidence in Thorikos of the possible ancestor-cults, and secondly of the hero-cults at the Mycenaean tombs. 11

13 The Geometric House-Cults After the collapse of the Mycenaean palatial world local communities in Attica founded local cults and cult-practices changed.25 This change in cult practice also influenced the practice of the cults of the dead. In the late-geometric period the cults of ancestors increased in number and the archaeological evidence for the emergence of hero-cults in this period have been found all over Greece.26 The oldest archaeological evidence of possible cults of the dead in Thorikos can be found in two of the so-called Geometric houses on the Velatouri-hill. I will first discuss the material of these two Geometric houses separately in order to come to a conclusion about the cult-practices of the ancestor-cults of Thorikos. Geometric House on the West-Necropolis (C/D 52) The West-Necropolis on the south-west flank of the Velatouri was excavated from 1963 to On the West-Necropolis remains of graves have been found from the proto-geometric period to the fourth century BC.28 Beneath the graves of the Archaic and Classical periods the excavators found remains of Geometric building structures. The oldest structure is a building consisting of three rooms and dates to the late proto-geometric period or the early-geometric period. This building was possibly destroyed by a fire in the middle-geometric period. One of the rooms was rebuilt and reused as the main room of a new building in the late-geometric period. The remains of these rooms have been severely damaged by the building of the graves in the Archaic and Classical period that were built on top of the abandoned and collapsed structures. This impeded the interpretation of the context of and the practices in these buildings, and led to some disagreement about the exact plans and functions of the buildings, and the exact location of the finds. 29 Nevertheless, the archaeological evidence can shed some light on the practices in these Geometric rooms. I will start by discussing the material of the rooms of the early-geometric period Coldstream (1977), p Langdon (1987), p Whitley (1994), p Bremmer (1999), p. 1. Mazarakis Ainian (1997), p Thorikos I (1968), p Thorikos II (1967), p Thorikos III (1967), p Thorikos IV (1969), p Thorikos VIII (1984), p Thorikos IX (1990), p Thorikos II (1967), p. 26. Mussche (1974), p Thorikos VIII (1984), p Thorikos IX (1990), p See for different views on the excavation of the Geometric house: Mazarakis Ainian (1997), p Mussche (1998), p

14 Fig. 4. Plan of the early-geometric building on the West-Necropolis. The early-geometric building consists of three rooms (Fig. 4). There is a main room with a second room that possibly functioned as a front room, and to the south there is a third separate room. In the main room the excavators found pottery of the late proto-geometric and earlygeometric periods.30 Due to the discovery of these finds, the date of the construction of the main room is set to the early-geometric period. In this room the excavators also found pieces of litharge, which is a by-product of the oxidation of ore.31 Due to the amount of litharge found in this room, scholars have argued that this building was used for industrial purposes, such as the processing of ore.32 This argument is strengthened by the discovery of a grinding stone in the same room33, which could not only have been used for domestic purposes, but also for industrial ones. Against the north and east walls of the main room the excavators found benches. This discovery is an indication that this room was probably not only used for industrial purposes, but also had a domestic function indicated by these benches. There are comparable rooms in other towns found from this period showing that these kind of rooms were used for banqueting, in which the head of the household could invite men to join him in some kind of sympotic ritual in his own house Thorikos II (1967), p Thorikos II (1967), p. 30. Mazarakis Ainian (1997), p Mussche (1998), p. 29. Thorikos II (1967), p. 30. Comparable usages of these kind of rooms can be found in the better excavated Geometric houses of Hymettos and 13

15 The room to the south of the main room contained three round pits with remains of ash, beads, bones, loom weights, pebbles, shells and the lower part of a skyphos.35 The skyphos is dated to the proto-geometric period.36 Therefore, the other objects in these pits are probably dating to approximately the same period. The types of materials in these pits indicate a domestic usage of this room.37 The application of this room as a domestic one is also indicated by the kinds of pots and sherds found. There are sherds found of skyphoi, chytrai, jars, cups and jugs.38 Besides these sherds, there was also an almost intact lekythos from the proto-geometric period found in situ in this room and an oinochoe from the early-geometric period.39 Therefore, the context of the archaeological material found in the late proto-geometric or early-geometric building seems odd and supposes a threefold utilization. The material not only shows the usage of this room for combined domestic and industrial purposes, but at the same time this room had benches for some kind of banqueting purposes. The benches and the discovery of sherds from different drinking vases maybe indicate a sympotic function of this building. This early-geometric building was located next to a necropolis. The earliest graves at the West-Necropolis were placed in the proto-geometric period, at the same time the early-geometric rooms were built.40 The house was thus built on purpose near the graves. The fact that this family erected a building next to a burial site on purpose suggests that they were connected. The family was confronted with the dead every day and possibly adjusted their lives to that. In the earlygeometric building the benches in the main room could be an indication that the building was used for more than only a sympotic function. Already from the early Iron Age onwards rituals of feasting and dining were performed after a burial.41 This dining-ritual symbolises the connection of the living with the ancestors through a meal shared between the living and the deceased. In a domestic sphere the cult-members joined together to feast and emphasize the continuity of the family through ritual dining. The whole family could participate in this ritual and together honoured their dead ancestors. By honouring the dead in cult the family-members showed that they were part of this shared ancestral identity.42 Such a function of this Geometric house is better illustrated by the archaeological evidence from the late-geometric period Tourkovouni. On the top of the acropolis we can also see a similar usage of this kind of room. For a comparison with Hymettos see: Mazarakis Ainian (1997), p For Tourkovouni see: Mazarakis Ainian (1997), p And Boehringer (2001), p Thorikos II (1967), p. 32. TC For the function of different rooms in the Geometric houses and the transformation in building-practice in the Geometric period see: Mazarakis Ainian (2001), p Thorikos IV (1969), p Lekythos: TC Oinochoe: TC Thorikos II (1967), p Thorikos I (1968), p. 86. Mussche (1974), p. 29. Burkert (1987), p. 49. Alexandridou (2010), p. 13. Van den Eijnde (2010), p. 17. Hedrick (2007), p

16 Fig. 5. Plan of the late-geometric building on the West-Necropolis. The early-geometric building was destroyed in a fire in the middle-geometric period and only the southern room was rebuilt in the late-geometric period. This reuse is indicated by the abundance of late-geometric sherds found in this room, which were all from pottery used for dining purposes, like a chytra, and two jugs.43 This room was extended by the building of a front room in the late-geometric period, probably at the same time when that room was rebuilt (Fig. 5). In this front room remains of a square pit were found, outlined by a stone framework. The square pit was filled with soil and the remains of vegetation. There was also some ash found in and surrounding the pit. Therefore, this pit has been interpreted as a possible hearth above which the food for the household could be prepared.44 Next to this possible hearth, in the south-east corner of the front room and next to the doorway, there was a late-geometric louterion found in situ.45 The louterion has the shape of a wide basin with a spout to pour water. This kind of vase is often found near or at Geometric graves, which is an indication that it belonged in a funerary context and in this house could have been used in some kind of ritual for the dead. 46 The vessel could have contained the water for the washing of the dead body, which was polluted and needed to be purified, or was a Thorikos IV (1969), p Mussche (1974), p. 25. Mussche (1978), p Mazarakis Ainian (1997), p TC Thorikos III (1967), p. 48. Alexandridou (2010), p

17 symbol for this washing ritual. Pollution was an important topic in Greek religion, and was caused by events like the death of a person or the birth of a child. Therefore, cleansing of the smell and touch of death was an essential aspect in the daily life of the people in this period. Because the louterion is mainly found in funerary contexts, it is possible that this vessel in this house played an important role in the ritual of the cleansing of the dead. Another explanation for the discovery of a louterion in the front room of a house is that it functioned as a boundary symbol between the world of the dead and the world of the living.47 In that case the louterion was placed in the front room of this house to protect the living from the smell and pollution of the dead, which surrounded the house. Therefore, it seems plausible that the discovery of this louterion in the front room of this Geometric house on the West-Necropolis in Thorikos can be seen as a ritual element in a cultic context in this Geometric house.48 When we combine the evidence of this louterion and the hearth in the front room with the evidence found in the main room, namely the pottery for dining, a cult of the dead in this room seems possible. The continuous practice of grave rituals in this area throughout the Geometric period also points towards some kind of continuation of burial practices of a family. Even in the middle-geometric period, when the building itself was not inhabited, the dead were buried in this area. In the late-geometric period they established a new building on this grave-site, with a hearth and a louterion for some kind of ritual for the dead. Thorikos is not the only site where a building was erected next to a grave-field that could indicate a ritual context. There are other towns in Attica showing similar constructions of houses near grave-sites. I will shortly discuss the case of Anavyssos in south-west Attica and the Academy near Athens. Both sites present us with a good comparison to the Geometric house on the WestNecropolis in Thorikos. In Anavyssos there is a late-geometric cemetery with a house dating to approximately the same period as the cemetery and Geometric house in Thorikos. 49 The house consists of three rooms and is located near the cemetery (Fig. 6). In one of these rooms against the wall benches were found and fragments of drinking cups and plates. A similar archaeological context is found in Thorikos. Mazarakis Ainian has argued that in Anavyssos this close proximity of the necropolis to this building and the archaeological remains of dining-vessels and benches indicate that this building had a cultic function connected to a cult of the dead Bremmer (1999), p. 5. Mazarakis Ainian (1999), p Alexandridou (2010), p. 13. Davaras (1966), p Mazarakis Ainian (1997), p Mazarakis Ainian (1997), p Mazarakis Ainian (1999), p

18 Fig. 6. Excavation-plan of the cemetery and Fig. 7. Map of the Sacred house and grave-site at the Geometric house in Anavyssos. Academy of Plato. Another example of a similar cultic context can be found in the late-geometric Sacred house at the Academy of Plato (Fig. 7). This building consists of several rooms and is also built in the close proximity of a grave-site of the same period. 51 Since the excavators found a hearth and the remains of animal sacrifices in one of the rooms, a cultic function is ascribed to this building. 52 The evidence of the material remains found in this building in combination with the location of the house in the vicinity of graves has been interpreted in a context of a cult of the dead.53 In this period we see similar buildings near grave fields in a few other places as well. Examples are the Geometric houses in Eleusis, Oropos (Boeotia) and on the Agora in Athens, but due to the lack of evidence it remains difficult to connect a cult of the dead to all of these sites.54 In the late-geometric main room in Thorikos it is thus possible that cultic practices for ancestors were performed as dining rituals. In that case the benches and the banqueting-pottery can be associated with the dining and feasting of the family in honour of the ancestors, who where buried near the house. This cult-ritual created the opportunity for family-gatherings to emphasize their relation towards the past and their ancestors. This festive ritual for ancestors also legitimated Antonaccio (1995), p Mazarakis Ainian (1997), p Van den Eijnde (2010), p Mazarakis Ainian (1997), p Mazarakis Ainian (1999), p. 16 and 21. Van den Eijnde (2010), p Mazarakis Ainian (1999), p

19 this family's claim to the land. In the early seventh century BC the Geometric house on the WestNecropolis was abandoned. However, the cemetery remained in use until the fourth century BC. Geometric House on the Acropolis (H/I 53) The Geometric house at the West-Necropolis is possibly not the only house to have attracted a cult of ancestors in Thorikos in the Geometric period. East of the top of the Velatouri the excavators found in three trial trenches several building structures dating to the Geometric period as well. In the central trench the excavators found several rooms of a house dated to the late Geometric period, which was built on top of remains of early Bronze age dwellings. 55 In one of these rooms (G) stone benches were found against the walls of the room (Fig. 8). On the floor of the room and on top of the benches the excavators found late-geometric sherds of skyphoi, kotyles, cups, oinochoai, plates and parts of a krater.56 It is possible that this room was used as a dining-hall, like the room in the Geometric house at the West-Necropolis. Perhaps the room was used for festive rituals connected to ancestors as well. In this room itself the excavators found no hearth to prepare the food for a feast, but it is possible that the preparation took place in one of the other rooms of the complex. 57 Besides, in the middle of this room a rectangular stone is found of which the excavators do not know exactly what its purpose was. It could be that the stone was lifting a wooden roof. It is also possible that the stone was nonetheless some kind of a hearth or table for the preparation of food, or served as some kind of altar.58 The excavations in the west-trench were not published after the excavation in 1968, as a result of which the trench was reopened in In two of the rooms of this building of the seventh century BC several fragments of a louterion were discovered.60 Until now there are, however, no graves found in the vicinity of this house, which makes the interpretation of the context of this louterion difficult. It is possible that this vessel fulfilled a similar function as the louterion in the front room of the West-Necropolis, but only the find of graves associated with this building could strengthen this assumption. Another explanation could be that the slope of the hill was not suited for burial and the graves are located on a more suitable place further below Thorikos III (1967), p. 10. Mussche (1974), p. 21. Thorikos X (2011), p Thorikos III (1967), p. 12. The excavators called one of the other rooms of this complex 'the cuisine', because they found many sherds from cooking vessels, as well as a possible hearth. Thorikos III (1967), p. 15. A similar stone is found in the Geometric house in Anavyssos. Mazarakis Ainian interpreted this stone in Anavysssos as an altar for sacrifices. Mazarakis Ainian (1997), p Thorikos X (2011), p TC68.193, TC68.153c and TC68.173a-b. Thorikos X (2011), p One of the fragments is the spout of the krater, which makes its interpretation as a louterion very reasonable. The louterion is dated to the late-geometric period. 18

20 Fig. 8. The west-trench on the acropolis of Thorikos. Fig. 9. Map of Lathouriza and the cemeteries below the hill. A similar case can be found in Lathouriza. A late-geometric building was found on top of the hill with a cultic function, but the graves were found at the foot of the hill (Fig. 9). Several domestic rooms were built on this hill and next to that a circular building was erected in which a chthonic cult was established.61 The graves in Lathouriza are situated at the foot of the hill and not in the settlement itself. This could be the result of problems with finding a right place for burial inside the settlement.62 Similar problems with the slope of the hill could have been the case on the acropolis of Thorikos, as a result of which the cemetery was located further away from the family's residence. Since the Geometric buildings on the West-Necropolis and acropolis were inhabited at the same time, it is also possible that only one family lived on the Velatouri and buried their dead at the West-Necropolis. In that case the structures on the West-Necropolis served a cultic function, whereas the residential house of the family was located on the acropolis. The latest excavation-campaign on the acropolis in Thorikos was performed in 2014 in which two trial trenches were dug next to the Geometric building. During this campaign new building-structures were found, as well as the grave of a baby next to the building. The results of this campaign are not yet published, but this shows that there is still a lot to find on the acropolis in Thorikos. Hopefully in future excavations the acropolis will be further excavated to have a better understanding of the area in the Geometric period Mazarakis Ainian (1997), p Van den Eijnde (2010), p In and near this building votive-offerings were found, like figurines and jewellery. Remains of the ash of burnt offerings were found as well. Besides, in the circular building there were benches against the walls and fragments of drinking vessels and plates were discovered on the floor. Morris (1987), p

21 Conclusion The archaeological contexts of the two Geometric buildings in Thorikos suggest that festive cultpractices were performed in these buildings in Thorikos. The discovery of the benches, diningvessels and louteria in both houses indicates that it is possible that some kind of cult of the dead was established in these houses in the Geometric period. The death of a family-member was often celebrated with a ritual of feasting, in which the ancestors were invited to join. This ritual was a celebration of a common identity, which was transmitted from the parents to the children through dining-rituals. The evidence in Thorikos for such a cult is not extensive, but comparable evidence can be found in other Geometric sites in Greece. If there was indeed a cult-practice for ancestors in these two Geometric houses in Thorikos, this would mean that the Geometric period had created an environment in Thorikos in which these ancestor-cults were flourishing and people were emphasising their relationship to their kin. 20

22 The Mycenaean Tomb-Cults Another type of cult of the dead is represented by the cult-practices at the Mycenaean tombs in Thorikos. Until now, five Mycenaean tombs have been discovered in Thorikos. In two of these Mycenaean tombs the excavators found cultic material dating to the archaic and classical period, which is an indication that the tombs were later reopened and used for cult-practices. The material dates from the second half of the seventh century BC till the fourth century BC. Therefore, the possible cults at these tombs in Thorikos were only founded a little later than the cults of ancestors in the Geometric houses. In the eighth century BC hero-cults emerged in Greece. 63 As already mentioned before, this sudden emergence of hero-cults has puzzled scholars and no consensus has yet been reached on the reasons why these cults were founded in the eighth century. The worship at tombs started in the middle of the eighth century BC in Greece, but, as we will see in this chapter, in Thorikos these cults were initiated a century later, approximately around 650 BC. First I shall discuss the different Mycenaean tombs separately and after that I will focus on a combined conclusion about the possibility of hero-cults in Thorikos. Tomb I (H58) The Mycenaean tomb I is situated on the south side of the lower second hill peak of the Velatouri. The building-date of the tomb is set to the early fifteen century BC (LH IIb). 64 In the Mycenaean ground-layers the excavators found rings, loom weights and engraved gems dating to this period. An almost complete alabastron was found in this layer as well. 65 Tomb I is a rectangular building and measures five metres by two metres. The tomb was looted more than once, as a result of which the material of the tomb looks very poor. This complicates the interpretation of the material and its context. The excavators found a plate of limestone right above the Mycenaean grave. The slab of limestone probably dates to the middle of the sixth century BC, because fragments of pottery of this period were found in the same layer as this plate. A round hole was found next to this limestone plate and pierced through the ground down to the Mycenaean grave lid. This round hole was filled with pottery-sherds, dating from the early Archaic period to the sixth century BC. 66 The round hole Parker (1996), p. 37. Ekroth (2007), p For another example of a hero-cult in Attica see the tholos of Menidi: Whitley (1994), p Thorikos I (1968), p Devillers (1988). Boehringer (2001), p and TC Thorikos I (1968), p. 36. Thorikos I (1968), p

23 could very well have been a bothros for libations and votive-gifts.67 In that case the plate of limestone could have been a sacrificial table on which the sacrifices were prepared. Much cultic material was found near and in the bothros.68 The excavators found different kinds of miniature plates, cups and jugs.69 These miniature vessels were only used in ritual contexts, since they are to small for domestic usage.70 Besides, that these miniature vases were found in and near the bothros suggests that they were used in a cultic context. The archaeological material in this tomb can be roughly divided into four categories, which all represent different cult-rituals for the recipient of the sacrifices. Firstly, many vessels in this tomb relate to rituals in a context of libations for and cleaning of the dead. In tomb I many sherds of lekythoi were found, which in this context could very well have been used for libations. 71 Besides these lekythoi many fragments of aryballoi have been discovered as well.72 The lekythoi and aryballoi could also have been used as a symbol of the cleansing and anointing of the dead, as was important in the rituals for the cults of the ancestors. Besides the lekythoi and aryballoi the excavators also found pieces of a phiale mesomphalos, which is a vessel specifically used for libations.73 The phiale mesomphalos in tomb I has a hole in it, so that it can be placed at the wall of the tomb and could be reused each time a libation had to be made. Other pieces of vessels that contained oil also have been found, like some kothons, alabastra and a plemochoe.74 The second category of material contains many different kinds of vessels which were used for feasting. Especially many skyphoi were found, but also other drinking-vessels like kylikes, and other ceramics with a festive context, like lebetes, kraters, oinochoai, amphorae, jars, salt-cellars, plates and cups.75 Part of the found pottery were miniature-vases and maybe could have been symbolizing the ritual feasting which represented the connection between the dead and the members of the cult, like in the cult of the ancestors. In this tomb material related to females was found as well and this includes the third group. Many pieces of pyxides and lekanides were found, which are both boxes that contained cosmetics, jewellery and trinkets. Besides these boxes, the excavators found several spindles, which were used by women for the spinning of wool A bothros can be defined as a hole in the ground in which, in the context of a hero-cult, libations and sacrifices were made. Ekroth (2002), p Two very good overviews of the material remains found in tomb I in Thorikos are presented by Devillers (1988) and Boehringer (2001). Devillers (1988), p Mussche (1998), p. 18. Ekroth (2007), p Van den Eijnde (2010), p. 51. Thorikos I (1968), p. 38. Devillers (1988), p Boehringer (2001), p. 55 and 90. Thorikos I (1968), p. 38. Devillers (1988), p Boehringer (2001), p. 55. TC , TC and TC Devillers (1988), p. 30. Devillers (1988), p. 18, and Devillers (1988), p , 33, 54-56, and 70. Cole (2000), p

24 The last category consists of figurines. The excavators found eighteen figurines of women in this tomb.77 Some of the figurines are heavily damaged, but in almost all the cases it is clear that they represent women. There are pieces of female heads, but also different parts of female bodies. Some of the female heads have holes on top, which was probably done so that they could be hanged at the wall of the tomb. The Identity of the Hero(ine) he excavators have pointed out that there is enough evidence available to conclude that there were cult-practices performed at this Mycenaean tomb from the middle of the seventh century BC until the last quarter of the fifth century BC.78 As mentioned before, scholars have argued that from the eighth century BC heroes were worshipped at Mycenaean tombs. However, there are difficulties with the identification of the heroes worshipped in these hero-cults in Attica. Also in Thorikos scholars have tried to connect a known hero to the cult at tomb I. For example, David Boehringer has argued that it could have been Hyperpedios who was worshipped at this tomb, using evidence from the sacrificial calendar of Thorikos.79 However, the evidence he presents to support this hypothesis is not very strong, which he admits himself as well, and is primarily based on the assumption that the hero worshipped in this tomb was mentioned in the sacrificial calendar. Moreover, there is no epigraphical source found in the tomb mentioning the name of a hero, and the archaeological material indicates no unique characteristics fitting a particular hero known in Greek mythology. It is tempting to connect a hero to this cult, but this interpretation will also affect the way we look at the archaeological material. Therefore, in this chapter I will not use the sacrificial calender of Thorikos to connect a name to the cult in this tomb, but instead look broader at the identity of the recipient in this cult through a discussion of the archaeological material.80 The archaeological material shows that the cult in tomb I was founded in the middle of the seventh century and came to an end in the middle of the fourth century BC. The highest density of sherds is dated between 550 and 425 BC, indicating that in this period the cult probably reached its peak. The quantity of the material points out that the cult was a large one, and was probably for many (if not all) inhabitants of Thorikos. 81 As mentioned in the first chapter, an important Thorikos I (1968), p. 31. Boehringer (2001), p. 55. Thorikos I (1968), p. 38. Mussche (1998), p. 18. Boehringer (2001), p. 93. SEG In my final chapter I will elaborate further on the identity of the recipient of the cult at these tombs. In one of the graves in Mycenae the excavators found a shard mentioning the recipient of the cult only as 'the hero' (τοῦ ἥρωός εἰμ(ι)), which indicates that a name was not always necessary in the practice of a hero-cult. Besides this, the people would not always have known who was buried in the tomb through oral tradition. Many Mycenaean tombs were also found by accident as a result of which the people created a cult for a chosen hero themselves. Whitley (1994), p Boehringer (2001), p

25 consequence of the implementation of a cult was the origination of a connection between its participants. It is likely that the cult founded at tomb I created a binding factor among the people of Thorikos and distinguished the participants of the cult from the people who did not have a share in the cult-practices. The participants in the rituals concerning this particular hero in this particular place were thus connected through a common religious identity.82 As we have seen above, the archaeological material found in the tomb does not directly presents us with a clear idea of what kind of cult-recipient was worshipped here. The context of the Mycenaean tomb for this cult suggests that a hero-cult was established in this tomb. The archaeological material shows four different categories of material: vases for oiling and cleaning, vases for festive functions, boxes for jewellery and cosmetics, and figurines of women. If we look at the dating of the material it is interesting to see that all four categories are represented from the establishment of the cult until the cult-practices stopped in the middle of the fourth century BC. This means that whoever was worshipped here, received the same kind of gifts during the entire existence of the cult. In the practice of the ancestor-cults we also saw that the cleansing of the dead took place through separating the world of the dead and living by erasing the smell of the dead with water and oil.83 The category of lekythoi, aryballoi and other oil-vessels can very well be symbolizing the division between the realm of the living and the realm of the dead, as it was in the cult of ancestors. The scenes on the aryballoi are related to the occupations of men, and represent warriors and animals.84 The scenes on the lekythoi do not show a specific masculine or feminine context. There are dancing women, a man playing the lyre, an embracing couple, a winged woman (Nike?), walking and fighting hoplites and four-in-hand carriages with horses.85 There is also a scene which is interpreted as the fight of Athena versus the giant Enkelados.86 The second category of finds are used in a dining context, and consists of all kinds of cups, plates and jars. We have seen in the cult of the ancestors that dining rituals could be linked to the worship of the dead. It is possible that this dining pottery was part of a festive ritual in which the hero joined his worshippers in a shared meal. This dining ritual would strengthen the bonds between the hero and the community of worshippers, as it did in the cult of ancestors. The third category are the boxes for jewellery, cosmetics and trinkets, like the pyxides and lekanides. These small round boxes were used by women to store small items or jewellery. The Hägg (1999), p. 37. Snodgrass (2000), p Boehringer (2001), p Ekroth (2007), p Van den Eijnde (2010), p Boehringer (2001), p. 90. Ekroth (2002), p. 13. Devillers (1988), p Devillers (1988), p TC

26 boxes in tomb I on the Velatouri do not show any traces of painted scenes, but the objects are clearly meant for females. Since these gifts are typically feminine, it could be that in this cult a female was worshipped. This would also explain the other feminine gifts in this tomb: the spindles and female figurines. It is not extraordinary that a woman was worshipped in a hero-cult, although women were often worshipped alongside a hero.87 If this interpretation of the material is correct, in tomb I a cult was founded for a large group of participants, for the worship of a heroine. In this cult the rituals consisted of libation, cleaning the pollution of the dead, dining rituals, and the presentation of feminine gifts for the heroine of the cult. Given that all four categories of finds in this tomb were represented over the entire existence of the cult, it seems plausible that traditional rituals played an important role in this cult. This also fits in the idea that the relationship between the inhabitants of the land of Thorikos and the (ancestral) dead, which could also have been a hero(ine), was important. The warriors and animals on the aryballoi could also be an indication of the worship of a hero in this tomb, next to the heroine. The evidence for the male counterpart is scarce in comparison to the feminine context. However, we should not exclude this possibility, since the tomb has also been looted several times and much material is lost which could support this assumption. Tomb V (H57) Mycenaean tomb V is situated near tomb I. 88 Tomb V is located south-west of tomb I and is the oldest of the five known Mycenaean tombs on the Velatouri. The grave dates to the late Middle Helladic period and was a rectangular building of eight metres by six metres. The tomb was excavated in the nineteenth century, but after the excavation the pottery sherds were thrown away, which caused problems for the interpretation of the context of the tomb in the excavations of the 1970s. Besides, this tomb also became the dump-site of the excavations of tomb IV, the Mycenaean tomb next to tomb V. Archaeological remains were also destroyed by the looting of the tomb, already in a very early period in antiquity. As in tomb I, the excavators have argued that there is enough archaeological material found that indicates the practice of a hero-cult at this tomb. There are almost no Mycenaean objects preserved in this tomb, which is probably due to the looting and the destructive excavations of the nineteenth century. Only a few remains of bones have been found. The remains of the cult-practice in this tomb are much smaller than in tomb I, which could have been caused by the loss of material Larson (1995), p. 4. Larson argues that heroines were only worshipped alone in cult when they lacked significant familial ties, like virgins, Amazons, and women who were torn down from their family by a disaster. Thorikos VIII (1984), p Boehringer (2001), p and

27 The excavators found a rectangular platform of stone, measuring two by one and a half metres in the north-side of the room. 89 This stone-platform cannot be dated, since there were no remaining sherds found near this plate. As in tomb I this stone-platform could be an altar for sacrifices. Another interesting feature of this tomb is the small rectangular structure built on top of the tomb. The placement of this building is strange and does not fit within the building-structure of the tomb. Scholars have argued that this building must have been a small temple for the sacrifices of the hero-cult in the tomb or of another complementary cult. 90 Because of the distortions from the excavations in the nineteenth century it is difficult to reach a conclusive explanation for this building-structure. The placement of this structure in relation to the tomb, however, suggests that the building cannot have belonged to the tomb itself and must date to a later period. Therefore, it is possible that this small building had something to do with a later hero-cult. Although we need to be very careful with interpreting this material of which much is lost, the material evidence seems to provide us with a slightly similar image of cult-practices when comparing it to tomb I. As in tomb I, the excavators found many lekythoi, which could have been used for libations and as a symbol of division between the world of the living and the dead. 91 The excavators also found many pieces of thymiateria, which were used for the burning of incense. 92 It is possible that these thymiateria were, as the lekythoi, used to clean the smell of dead and protect the living. In the cults of ancestors in Thorikos this ritual of cleaning was performed with the use of the louterion, whereas in the hero-cults a similar kind of ritual could have been performed with the use of lekythoi and thymiateria. A few pieces of a plemochoe have been found as well, which also could have contained perfume for libation or to erase the smell of death.93 Another category of material that was found in tomb V encompasses the lids of pyxides and remains of lekanides.94 These were found in tomb I as well, and are assigned to a female context. There is also other evidence of sherds which can be associated with females found in this grave. Two pieces of a loutrophoros have been discovered.95 Loutrophoroi were used for carrying and storing water, and they were often used in the context of marriages and funerals. The iconography on these vases also often shows these scenes of marriages or funerary rites. On one of the pieces of the loutrophoros in tomb V it is possible to see the head of a female, but the rest of the scene has not Mussche (1998), p Mussche (1998), p Salliora-Oikonomakou (2007), p. 17. Boehringer has argued that this building was not a small temple for sacrifices, but was instead another grave. Boehringer (2001), p. 54. Antonaccio (1995), p Boehringer (2001), p. 58. Boehringer (2001), p. 58. Boehringer (2001), p. 58. Boehringer (2001), p. 58. TC Unpublished. 26

28 been preserved.96 Another piece of an undetermined vessel shows a female looking in a mirror.97 The archaeological evidence for a cult in tomb V is dated half a century later than the material from tomb I. The oldest material dates to the late sixth century BC and latest material dates far into the fourth century BC. It thus seems as if the cult in tomb V was established half a century later than the cult in tomb I, but also remained in practice longer into the fourth century. The Identity of the Hero(ine) As mentioned before, instead of focussing on the sacrificial calendar of Thorikos to look for the name of a hero or heroine for this cult, I will look at the material in a broader sense to gain an idea about the identity of the recipient without directly giving him or her a name. Since so much material is lost and taken out of context, the interpretation of the archaeological material in tomb V is more difficult than in tomb I. It is established that there was a cult founded at this tomb, because of the discovery of the post-mycenaean material. What kind of cult was founded at this tomb is more difficult to find out. If we look only at the available material it is possible that, as in tomb I and in the cult of ancestors, the rituals of this cult consisted of libations and the cleansing of the dead and the protection of the living. The other material suggests a feminine context, with a special focus on marriage and gifts for marriageable girls. It is thus possible that, as in tomb I, a heroine was worshipped in this tomb. However, much of the archaeological material is lost and we again should not exclude the possibility that a heroic couple was worshipped in this tomb. Tombs II (G57), III (L53) and IV (H57) I will give a short note on the other three Mycenaean tombs in Thorikos to present a full account of the currently excavated tombs in Thorikos. In all three tombs there is until now no archaeological evidence found for hero-cults. However, the possibility that there was such a cult at one or more of these tombs cannot be excluded, because all tombs have suffered from the destructive excavations in the nineteenth century and looting. Tomb II Tomb II is situated west of tomb I and is dated by its material to around BC (LHIIIa-b). 98 The tomb has a rectangular form and only one skeleton has been found inside this tomb. This tomb TC70.70e. TC Thorikos I (1968), p Mussche (1974), p. 15. Mussche (1998), p

29 has probably been looted already in antiquity, because of the few material remains that were found. Tomb III Tomb III is the largest of Mycenaean tombs in Thorikos and is the only tomb which is situated on the other peak of the Velatouri, near the Geometric house on the acropolis.99 Much of the material of this tomb is now lost, because it was thrown away in earlier excavations and was badly documented. This round tomb shelters five different graves, of which two are sarcophagi. The earliest burial was probably in the fifteenth century BC (LHII) and the last interment was in the thirteenth century BC (LHIIIb). Tomb IV The shape of tomb IV is elliptical and no other Mycenaean tombs like this one are known. 100 The tomb is situated only a few metres north-east of tomb V. In antiquity it has been looted and much material was destroyed by the early excavations as well. The tomb is dated to shortly before 1500 BC (LHI). The Cults of the Dead in Thorikos The archaeological material of the cults of the dead in Thorikos seems to present us with the idea that there must have been two different cults of the dead in Thorikos: a cult for ancestors at cemeteries as well as a cult for heroes at Mycenaean tombs. However, there are also many similarities between these cults and it seems as if in Thorikos these two forms of cult of the dead, for the ancestors as well as the heroes, had similar cult-practices.101 There are two reasons to assume that the archaeological evidence of both cults can indeed be connected to a similar cult-practice. In the first place, both the cults of ancestors as well as the cults of heroes were cults for the dead in which the people of Thorikos would have had similar reasons to establish them. These reasons could indeed be the strengthening of the connection with the land, respecting the dead and/or maintaining a bond with the past. Besides that, honouring the dead was also a way of communicating with the dead and preserving a relationship between ancestor or hero and the descendants.102 This resulted in an affirmation of the bond between the deceased and the living, and in continuous ritual practices which shaped the family's identity Thorikos V (1971), p Mussche (1974), p. 15. Mussche (1998), p. 19. Mussche (1974), p. 19. Thorikos VIII (1984), p Mussche (1998), p Hägg (1987), p. 99. Ekroth (2002), p. 14. Ekroth (2007), p Burkert (1987), p

30 In the second place, we also know from mythological tales of, for example, Erechtheus in Athens or Menelaos and Helen in Sparta, that these worshipped heroes were also often seen as the ancestors of the worshippers, and were honoured in a similar way by a larger part of the community in a religious cult. It is thus possible that also in Thorikos these heroes were seen as ancestors, which would explain the similar cult-practices. 29

31 Another cult on the Acropolis? During the survey in the archaeological campaign of 2014 one of the students found a worn-down statuette of a woman.103 This statuette is probably a votive representing a woman with outstretched arms. The discovery of this small statuette near the acropolis could be an indication that there was some kind of sanctuary for a female recipient on top of the Velatouri. The context of this find has not yet been studied, as a result of which this idea is speculative for now. However, we can look for comparison at other sites in Attica, which show a similar kind of sanctuary for a female deity on the top of a hill. There are two examples of other settlements in Attica with a cult for a female on a hill. These examples are the settlements of Lathouriza and Kiapha Thiti. In Lathouriza there were idols and jewellery found near a round building of which the majority of idols were female.104 Possibly this cult was thus founded for a female recipient. A similar case is visible in Kiapha Thiti. On the top of the hill female figurines were found near a sanctuary, which was probably founded for a female goddess or heroine. 105 Such a kind of cult as in Lathouriza and Kiapha Thiti could have been established in Thorikos as well, but on the basis of one find such a comparison remains speculative. Future excavations and research on the acropolis of Thorikos will hopefully shed some light on the context of this find and will provide us with more information about this possible cult for a female deity This statuette is not yet published. Mazarakis Ainian (1997), p Van den Eijnde (2010), p Christiansen (2000), p Van den Eijnde (2010), p

32 Conclusion As we have seen in this chapter, in the cults of Thorikos from the middle of the eighth century BC onwards the honouring of ancestors and heroes was important and highlighted the emphasis in this period on continuous rituals concerning the connection between past and present. In the archaeological evidence we see that both cults of the dead show some similarities. These cults provided a context in which the participants could create an isolated and unique identity with which they defined themselves as a local community to the outside world. A participant of the cult was in the first place a cult-member who worshipped the dead through rituals which brought the deceased nearer to the living. These rituals created a bond between the realm of the dead and the realm of the living, and between the past and the present. This is not only visible in the cults of the ancestors, but also in the cults at the Mycenaean tombs in which the ritual practices of the ancestors were continued over the years. The rituals of dining and the ritual of cleansing of the dead seem to stand out in Thorikos and determined the cult-practices for its inhabitants. The preservation of contact between the past and the present is visible in other cults in Thorikos after this period as well. In the next chapter I will focus on the emergence of the cults from the sixth century onwards and the influence of these cults on the communal life of the people of Thorikos. 31

33 3. The Cults of the Late-Archaic and Classical Period In the previous chapter we already saw the influences of the rituals of the cults of the dead on the life and the identity of the people of Thorikos. From the late six century BC onwards new religious cults emerged in Thorikos, next to the cults at the Mycenaean tombs. From this period onwards, the cults, and especially the additional festivals, played an important role in the establishment of a communal identity of the people of Thorikos. The Cult of Dionysos (C/D 4) The main archaeological evidence for a cult of Dionysos in Thorikos is the stone theatre-building on the southern slope of the Velatouri (Fig. 10).106 This theatre is thought to be the oldest theatre in stone in Greece and its first building-phase is dated to the last quarter of the sixth century BC. 107 The theatre has an elongated koilon. The koilon is irregular on both sides and the early excavators have explained that this unusual shape was caused by the contours of the rocks on which the theatre was built.108 However, later excavators have insisted that this unusual shape of the theatre was caused by an earlier and different usage of this area before the stone theatre was built.109 Fig. 10. Map of the theatre-area Miller (1888), p Cushing (1888), p Thorikos I (1968), p Thorikos III (1967), p Thorikos III (1967), p. 95. Mussche (1974), p. 41. Miller (1888), p. 3. Cushing (1888), p. 32. Mussche (1975), p. 59. The first theatrical performance was probably held in approximately 530 BC. Kerényi (1976), p Wiles (1997), p

34 The theatre of Thorikos is built and expanded in three different periods. 110 According to Herman F. Mussche, in the first building phase there was only a small orchestra and the audience sat either on the hill or on some kind of wooden construction. 111 The orchestra in this first buildingphase seems to be too small for theatrical applications, as a result of which scholars have argued that this small orchestra must have been built for other purposes. 112 A suggestion for the purpose of this area has been suggested by Mussche and defended by Frank Kolb and David Boehringer. They argue that in the early period the theatre was used as some kind of meeting-place or bouleuterion for the citizens of Thorikos.113 The theatre is, until now, the only place discovered in Thorikos that was large enough to hold communal meetings for the citizens of Thorikos. At the end of the sixth century, which is also the period when the theatre was built, the Kleisthenic' reforms were established in Attica. Thorikos with its surroundings became one of these Kleisthenic demes. It would make sense that the people of Thorikos needed a place for discussion on the matters of the deme and a likely location for these meetings could be the theatre. Theatrical performances would not have been organized in the theatre during the entire year and it is thus possible that the theatre would have served political purposes as well. The second building-phase took place in the middle of the fifth century BC. In this period the orchestra was enlarged and the lower part of the current koilon was built. The temple and altar of Dionysos date to this building-phase at the latest as well. The temple of Dionysos is located on the west-side of the orchestra. Only a part of the foundation of the floor of the temple has survived and some fragments of the steps before the entrance of the temple. In the temple the excavators found many pebbles, which possibly belonged to the floor.114 The entrance of the temple faces the east and ends onto the orchestra-floor. In the proximity of this theatre an inscription was found on a square base of stone during the excavations of the nineteenth century, showing the letters 'ΔΙΟΝΥΣΩΙ'.115 The inscription and the location of this building support the interpretation of this building as a temple for Dionysos. The dating of the remains of an altar in the east corner of the orchestra and the temple itself suppose that the cult of Dionysos in Thorikos was at least established in the middle of the fifth century BC. 116 In the temple the excavators found a kantharos, a lekythos, Mussche (1974), p. 41. Van Looy (1986), p. 47. Mussche (1994), p Wiles (1997), p. 33. Mussche (1974), p. 41. Mussche (1974), p. 41. Van Looy (1986), p. 47. Mussche (1994), p Wiles (1997), p. 33. These scholars argue that the orchestra in this period was too small to contain a stage-building, which makes the purpose of the theatre for (only) theatrical performances unlikely. Therefore, they suggest that because the location of the theatre was very near to the residential houses and the building is (until now) the only location where communal meetings could be held, the theatre was at least in its earliest stage used as a meeting-place for the citizens of Thorikos. Mussche (1975), p. 59. Kolb (1981), p Mussche (1986), p. 46. Mussche (1994), p Boehringer (2001), p Thorikos I (1968), p The inscription is only published in: Cushing (1888), p. 31. Thorikos I (1968), p Thorikos III (1967), p. 93. Mussche (1975), p. 46. A late fourth/early fifth century CE source also mentions the 33

35 a part of the architrave and a possible pedestal for a cult statue.117 Near the altar and adjacent to the koilon there is a rectangular room with benches on the side. The excavators had trouble interpreting this building, because there were no objects or sherds found due to frequent mudslides in this area and the use of this area as a dump in the nineteenth century. Mussche has argued that this room was probably built in the second building phase, at the same time as the temple and the altar. 118 There are mainly three interpretations for the function of this room. The first interpretation is connected with the theatrical usage of this theatre, and suggests that this room was used during theatrical performances as a room for the actors to change their clothes.119 Another explanation of the function of the room is that it was a complementary meetingroom to the theatre itself for gatherings and feasts. 120 In that case the room would have been used as a complementary room to the meeting-place function of the theatre for smaller gatherings. 121 Finally, it is also argued that the room could have had a cultic function corresponding to the religious function of the theatre-complex.122 The room is dated to the second building phase, at the same time the temple and altar were built. Therefore, it is possible that this room was an additional space for the cult-practices of the cult of Dionysos.123 Dionysos is associated with wine and it is possible that a symposiastic cult-practice was performed in this room. Another possibility is that the cultic function of this room had something to do with the necropolis in the close proximity of the theatre. Unfortunately, there are no material remains found indicating anything about the function of this room, leaving scholars only to speculate about its function. The third building-phase is dated to the middle of the fourth century BC. In this period the upper part of the koilon was built. In the late fourth century BC the settlement was slowly abandoned and the theatre did not see another rebuilding. The excavators of the 1960s and 1970s have encountered many problems with the destructive techniques of earlier excavations for the interpretation of the theatre-area. The theatre of deme of Thorikos and its relation to the god Dionysos. In the poem Dionysiaca the poet Nonnos mentions the war of Dionysos and his army with the Indians. All the demes that contributed soldiers to the army of Dionysos are listed, and Thorikos is named among them. Nonnos mentions that the people from Thorikos marched under the leadership of the Kekropids, and alongside the people from Marathon, Eleusis, Brauron and Aphidna. Nonn. D., This late source indeed shows that the poet one thousand years later still connected Dionysos with Thorikos, even though the town itself was abandoned. Thorikos I (1968), p The architrave is numbered TP Mussche (1974), p. 41. Thorikos I (1968), p This is a suggestion of W. Miller. Mussche (1998), p. 32. Salliora-Oikonomakou (2007), p. 22. It is possible that this building served a similar function as the contemporary tholos on the Agora in Athens, which served as dining-room and political headquarters. The tholos on the Agora was a round building with benches and was built in 470/460 BC. This round building was the residence of the prytaneis. The prytaneis were responsible for the daily administration of the city, and slept and ate in this building. Camp (1986), p Miller (1888), p. 5. Mussche (1994), p Van Looy (1994), p. 14. Mussche (1994), p Van Looy (1994), p

36 Thorikos was excavated in the nineteenth century, and many sherds have been thrown away during this excavation without documenting. Much material was also destroyed by erosion and mudslides. Therefore, there are hardly any sherds found and documented from the theatre. The Surroundings of the Theatre The immediate surroundings of the theatre are difficult to explain. The residential houses of the Industrial Quarter are built in the close proximity of the theatre. On the north side of the theatre the houses are almost built against the upper koilon and on the west-side the theatre is enclosed by a cistern and residential houses. The theatre is thus closely embedded in the Industrial Quarter and the living-space of the citizens of Thorikos. On the east side the theatre is enclosed by the sea. The theatre was thus directly visible for the visitors of Thorikos who came by ship to the town. On the southern side of the theatre a necropolis was situated very close to the orchestra of the theatre. The position of the theatre of Thorikos on this particular location seems odd, because of its close proximity to residential houses and the necropolis. However, it is possible to explain this positioning in at least three different ways. Firstly, as many theatres in Greece, like Epidauros, in this theatre as well the people had a beautiful view over the surroundings of the area during the theatrical performances and the communal meetings. If the view from the theatre was indeed important, this limits the possibilities for the placement of a large theatre, and this could well have been the best spot. Secondly, that the theatre was built in the close vicinity of the houses and a necropolis can also be explained by a lack of space on the southern hillside of the Velatouri. All habitation in Thorikos takes place on the southern side of the mountain, since people needed protection from the strong northern winds. There is thus a possibility that the people simply had no other option than to build in the near vicinity of the theatre. A third reason for the positioning of the theatre on this particular spot could have had something to do with some of the rituals and festivals celebrated in the theatre in honour of Dionysos. I will now first discuss the necropolis and its relation to the theatre, before proceeding to the cultic rituals and festivals for Dionysos in Thorikos. The Necropolis The close proximity of the necropolis to the theatre could be an indication that they were connected. The necropolis is situated directly south of the orchestra-floor of the theatre. The finds at the graves of the theatre-necropolis are very limited and comprise lekanides, lekythoi, aryballoi, skyphoi, and 35

37 different kinds of mugs and bowls.124 The oldest graves in this necropolis date to approximately 570/565 BC and the youngest graves date to 380/360 BC.125 The oldest graves are located the nearest to the theatre. The necropolis expanded throughout the centuries further away from the theatre. Throughout the time the theatre was in use, graves were thus placed in its vicinity. Besides, the dating of both the graves and the theatre indicate that the necropolis already existed in the period when the theatre was built. Although the worlds of the living and the dead were separate, the building of the theatre in the close proximity of the necropolis was done with a full understanding that the people in the theatre had a view over the graves in this necropolis.126 As argued before, it is possible that before the stone theatre was built, there was already a (wooden) construction present on the later location of the theatre, with a similar function which the theatre would later incorporate. Therefore, it is also possible that the necropolis was erected at the same time as the wooden precursor of the theatre. In that case it would be possible that the function of the theatrical structure was, at least in its earliest phases, interconnected with the necropolis and a possible cult of the dead. Unfortunately, until now there is no comparable situation found with a better archaeological overview to understand this positioning of the graves and the theatre. 127 However, underneath the Agora in Athens, there are graves found dating from the Mycenaean period until the late seventh century BC, and it seems as if the central meeting-place was related to the ancestral burials underneath.128 If the theatre in Thorikos was indeed in use as an agora, the relationship between the necropolis and the theatre could have been similar as on the Agora in Athens. However, there is a difference in the visibility of the graves in both cases. In Thorikos the graves were clearly visible, whereas on the Agora they were not. Already in the Geometric period the dead played an important role in Thorikos and this visibility could be an indication of the shaping of a local identity. As mentioned before, in Thorikos cults of ancestors were founded near contemporary graves. The visibility of the dead thus remained important. The graves were situated at a prominent place in the town: visible from the central meeting-place and theatre. The theatre and the graves on the necropolis were also immediately visible for the visitors of the town by ship. Each visitor who came into the city from the harbour was thus confronted with the dead of Thorikos. Therefore, it is possible that the location of this grave-field, deliberately chosen or not, contributed to the influence of the dead on the lives of the people of Thorikos Thorikos II (1967), p Mussche (1998), p. 53. Mussche (1974), p. 44. Mussche (1998), p. 53. Already in the Archaic period the world of the living and the world of the dead were deliberately separated in the Greek world. For an understanding of this separation in the sixth century see: Blok (2006), p Thorikos II (1967), p. 82. Mussche (1986), p. 46. Kolb (1981), p

38 The Festivals for Dionysos In this sub-chapter I will discuss the festivals that were celebrated in Thorikos in honour of Dionysos. Sharing in the celebrations and rituals of festivals influenced the establishment of a communal identity for the citizens in the town. Therefore, it is important to discuss these festivals as well in a study into the role of religion in a community. Dionysos was closely connected to the world of the dead and the transition of life to death. 129 The close proximity of the necropolis to the theatre-complex maybe enhanced the relationship between these two locations in the celebration of festivals in Thorikos. In the month Anthesterion, for example, the transition of winter to spring was celebrated in honour of Dionysos in the festival called Anthesteria. This festival was not only celebrated in Athens, but also in the Attic demes.130 Moreover, Robert Parker has argued that on the second day of the festival the souls of the dead haunted the city with their presence.131 The close proximity of the necropolis to the theatre could thus have been connected to the Anthesteria-festival as a celebration of the dead in Thorikos. In the sacrificial calender of Thorikos in the month Anthesterion the god Dionysos receives a sacrifice on the twelfth day of this month.132 The Anthesteria was celebrated from the eleventh to the thirteenth day in the month Anthesterion and it is thus likely that this festival was celebrated in Thorikos. The sacrifice for Dionysos in Thorikos, according to the calendar, is provided on the second day of the festival. This day is called the Choes. The word 'choes' refers to the pitchers of wine which were used during the festival for drinking and libations in honour of the dead. 133 Besides, ancient authors mentioned that at this Choes-festival a drinking-contest was organised and a meal was consumed in honour of the god Dionysos.134 The evidence of the sacrificial calendar seems to point out that a celebration of the Choes in Thorikos seems likely and it could be that this festival was indeed celebrated with a meal and a drinking contest in the town.135 If the Anthesteria took place in Thorikos and the Choes was celebrated with a banquet and drinking-contest in honour of Dionysos, it is likely that the festival was held in the theatre. It is even possible, if speculative, that the room with the benches east of the orchestra was used for the dining and drinking rituals during this festival Cole (2007), p Kearns (2010), p Kerényi (1976), p Parker (1987), p Van Looy (1994), p. 16. Parker (2005), p SEG , lines I will discuss the sacrificial calendar in the final chapter of this thesis. Van Looy (1994), p. 16. Taylor-Perry (2003), p. 70. About the drinking-contest during the Choes: Ath., 7.276c and b-e; Ael., VH., 2.41; D.L., ; Plut. Ant., See also Burkert (1985), p And Parker (2005), p In one of the graves in the theatre-necropolis the excavators also found a small choes, the drinking-vase which was used during the drinking contests of the Choes-festival. Salliora-Oikonomakou (2007), p. 55. The grave was of a young boy. The burial of a choes with a young boy is seen more often in Attica. Hamilton (1992), p

39 Fig Black-figured vases of Dionysiac processions from BC. Richard Seaford and Robert Parker have argued that during the Anthesteria-festival in Piraeus the ship of Dionysos was symbolically brought from the harbour to the theatre on wheels to celebrate his arrival in Attica.136 Such a procession is depicted on three vase paintings from the sixth century BC (Fig. 11, 12, 13).137 On these paintings, Dionysos is seated in the ship, holding branches of vines. He is accompanied by flute players. Carl Kerényi has argued that these processions for Dionysos also took place in other harbour-towns, like Smyrna and on Delos. 138 Although Thorikos is difficult to compare to Smyrna and Delos and there is no archaeological evidence to support such a procession in Thorikos, it should not be excluded that on the twelfth of the month such a procession was performed in Thorikos. A fragment of a poem of the Greek poet Eratosthenes of Cyrene, who lived in the third century BC, is preserved in which he mentions the arrival of the god Dionysos by ship in Thorikos, on his way to Semachos. 139 This was not the only version of this story, and other landing places are mentioned for this mythological landing of the god in Attica, like Porto Raphti north of Thorikos.140 The landing in Thorikos could be a case of invention of tradition of the residents of Thorikos to highlight the importance of the deme. Unfortunately, the poem of Eratosthenes is the only version of the story in which it is mentioned that Dionysos landed in Thorikos and it is thus difficult to establish an idea about how far this idea of the landing in Thorikos was established in Attica. However, if this was indeed a case of invention of tradition of the residents of the harbour-town Thorikos, it is possible that they also celebrated the landing of the god during the festival of the Anthesteria by a symbolic procession with Dionysos' ship. The location of the theatre in Thorikos also supports such a procession. The theatre was located in the eastern part of the city and next to the sea, as a result of which a procession from the sea or harbour to the theatre could have easily taken place. The path from the harbour to the theatre can also be viewed perfectly from the entrance of the temple of Dionysos. The temple naturally Parker (2005), p Seaford (2012), p. 86. Fig. 11: black-figured skyphos Bologna 130. Fig. 12: black-figured skyphos Athenian Acropolis 1281a. Fig. 13: black-figured skyphos British museum B79. Pickard-Cambridge (1968), p Kerényi (1976), p Eratosth. Er. fragment 23. Kerényi (1976), p Mussche (1994), p See also the landing of Demeter in Thorikos: HH Mussche (1994), p Kerényi gives an extensive overview of the landing places of Dionysos in Attica. Kerényi (1976), p

40 faces towards the east and towards the entrance into the theatre. The cult statue of the god thus also faces towards the sea and the entry of the procession. There is not enough evidence to conclude here that such a procession indeed took place in Thorikos. However, what is likely is that a festival for Dionysos did take place in Thorikos during the Anthesteria. Besides, the close proximity of the theatre to the necropolis in Thorikos could have been connected with the Anthesteria as a festival for the celebration of the dead. A second festival for Dionysos is known to have taken place in Thorikos as well. The theatre in Thorikos is the only theatre in stone found until now in the southern part of Attica. This argument has been used by some scholars to argue that the Rural Dionysia would have taken place in the theatre of Thorikos for the demes of southern Attica.141 This idea is strengthened by the mentioning of the Dionysia in the month Posideion in the sacrificial calendar of Thorikos. 142 In the month Posideion the Rural Dionysia took place in different demes in Attica and it is likely that this theatrefestival took place in the theatre of Thorikos as well. This means that in the theatre of Thorikos theatrical performances must have taken place in this month in celebration of the god Dionysos. I will come back to the Rural Dionysia in the next chapter about the sacrificial calendar of Thorikos. Conclusion It is established that there was a cult for Dionysos in Thorikos. The temple and altar for Dionysos are dated to the middle of the fifth century, but is it possible that this cult was already earlier established in the town. The stone theatre, and also a possible wooden structural predecessor, were maybe also used for different purposes than theatre-performances. A theatrical application in the late fifth century seems to be supported by the evidence in the sacrificial calendar, in which the Rural Dionysia are mentioned. The theatre itself and the rectangular building in the east-side of the orchestra could also have been used for the meetings of the deme and for cultic practices. The visibility of the necropolis in Thorikos stands out and highlights the importance of the dead for the inhabitants and visitors of the town. Cults of the dead had played an important role in cult life in Thorikos already from the seventh century BC onwards, and become of a less individual and more communal nature in the late archaic and classical period. This can also be indicated by the likely celebration of the Anthesteria in Thorikos. The significance of the celebration of the dead ancestors and their role in communal life thus seems to be of major importance in Thorikos Whitehead (1986a), p Lupu (2005), p Kearns (2010), p SEG , line

41 Insula 10 (A1 H/I 8/9) In the industrial Quarter between the residential houses the excavators found a building with a ground-plan that they could not directly identify in the context of the other houses in the industrial Quarter.143 The excavators have ascribed a cultic function to this building, based on the shape of the building, the discovery of some votives and an inscription mentioning a dedication. The possible sanctuary itself consists of four different chambers and is thought to be for Hygieia, and possibly also Asklepios. Additional to this building, in the east there is another building with an elongated room, which the excavators have called the banqueting-hall. According to the excavators, this building could have belonged to the possible cult as well. The sanctuary is dated to the end of the sixth century. However, the first building-phase of the banqueting-hall is thought to be older, and is dated to the end of the seventh or to the beginning of the sixth century BC. I will start with discussing the material that contributes to the understanding of Insula 10 as a sanctuary for a healing deity. A Sanctuary for a Healing God(dess) The material that was found in the proclaimed sanctuary itself cannot be connected directly to a religious context. The votive-material and the inscription were found on an open square (EE) to the east of the banqueting-hall (EF). Other votive-material was found on the road before EF and in the room (EG) to the north of the banqueting-hall. The excavators found in total in these places fourteen pieces of plastic vases and terracotta figurines, and an inscription with a dedication.144 The inscription was found on the open square (EE). The excavators have interpreted Insula 10 as a sanctuary for Hygieia and strengthened their argument by interpreting the fourth-century inscription as a dedication to the healing goddess. 145 The inscription was not found in situ and is broken off on the edges, which makes its interpretation difficult. The inscription is reconstructed as follows: ' λλα Θουφάνους Πορίου θυγάτηρ ειαι εὐξαμένη ὑπὲρ τῶν παίδων ἀνέθηκεν' Thorikos V (1971), p Thorikos V (1971), p TE68.1. Thorikos Thorikos V (1971), p

42 This can be translated as: '...lla, daughter of Thouphanes of Porioi, dedicated this after a prayer to...eia for the welfare of her children'. The beginning of the name of the woman and the name of the recipient of the dedication are not fully preserved. The excavators have suggested that the recipient of this inscription was the goddess Hygieia. There are a several goddesses in Greek mythology whose name could be filled in this place, but the connotation to the question of welfare of her children made the excavators conclude that Hygieia is the most probable in that context.147 The representations on the figurines and plastic vases that were found on the open square, on the road and north of the banqueting-hall are divers. There are a some very worn figurines: one head of a horse, one head of a man, three heads of a female and three parts of a body of a woman. 148 There are also five figures representing young men.149 Of one of them the excavators thought it must represent a young Dionysos, of three they suggested that Eros was depicted and the last one is too much damaged to say more about it than that it was a young man lying on a couch. The last figurine represents a couple of a man and a women. 150 The figure is very worn and a specific identification of the couple is difficult. The excavators have proposed that this couple could be Aphrodite and Eros, or Asklepios and Hygieia. The Banqueting-hall (EF) The banqueting-hall in Insula 10 is situated east of the possible sanctuary and has an elongated form of approximately eighth metres by three metres (Fig. 14).151 The building was expanded three times. The main-room was built in the late seventh or early sixth century BC. In the main room the excavators found benches at the northern wall, of which two were still in situ. The excavators called this building the banqueting-hall because of the benches, but they are far from certain that this indeed was a dining-room. In the main room the excavators found fragments of skyphoi, a miniature skyphos and a lamp.152 The main room was expanded to the east only a little later than its foundation in the late seventh/early sixth century. In this expanded section of the banqueting-hall the excavators did not find much material, only a few fragments of skyphoi, an undefined miniature vase and a plate As argued by Jean Bingen, the suffix of the iota after -eia is argued to be a normal written variant to a female name on -eia of the fourth century BC. Thorikos V (1971), p Thorikos V (1971), p The excavators also found a leg of a small statuette. TT This terracotta leg has not been published, but probably belonged to a small statuette. It was probably not a votive-leg, because on top of the leg there were traces of breaks, which indicate that the leg was attached to a body. Thorikos V (1971), p TT68.7. Thorikos V (1971), p Thorikos V (1971), p Thorikos V (1971), p Thorikos V (1971), p

43 Fig. 14. Map of the banqueting-hall and open square in Insula 10. The third building-phase is dated to the fourth century BC. In this phase the main-room was again enlarged and to the south-west an entire new building-structure (EI) was erected with its entrance towards the entrance of the main-room.154 In front of these entrances there was a platform with a stairs leading towards both rooms. Not much archaeological material has been uncovered in room EI. The excavators found pieces of skyphoi, a lekythos and a lamp.155 The fourth enlargement of this building was made to the north of the banqueting-hall. A new room (EG) was added to the northern wall of the main room and was probably also part of the main structure.156 In this room the excavators found pieces of a kantharos and a plate.157 In this room there were also some pieces of the plastic-vases found.158 The analysis of the archaeological material shows that this possible banqueting-hall was in use from the late seventh or early sixth century BC onwards until the building was abandoned in the late fourth century BC. The archaeological material found in this building does indeed imply some kind of banqueting application. However, the excavators have suggested that is is also possible that this building was connected to the possible sanctuary Thorikos V (1971), p Thorikos V (1971), p Thorikos V (1971), p Thorikos V (1971), p The excavators did not specify in the excavation-report which and how many pieces of the votives they found in this room. 42

44 The Sanctuary-Building (EA, EB, EC, ED) The building to the west of the banqueting-hall is interpreted by the excavators as a sanctuary for a healing god or goddess (Fig. 15).159 This structure was built in the end of the sixth century BC, and remained in use until the site was abandoned in the fourth century BC. The building consisted in its early building-phase of three different rooms, but later, probably somewhere in the fourth century BC, the front-room was divided by a wall in two different rooms (EA and ED). 160 The building in its latest phase had two entrances in the south. These entrances led to the rooms EA and ED. The rooms EA and ED both had an entrance leading to two other rooms (EB and EC). The building is surrounded by the residential houses and workshops of the Industrial Quarter. If this indeed was a sanctuary, the building was thus built in the middle of the residential area.161 Fig. 15. The excavation-map of the sanctuary in Insula 10. Because of the two double rooms in this building, the excavators have argued that this building was not just a normal residential house or workshop, but must have had a special function, like a cult-place. The material found in the building itself does not directly imply a cultic context. The excavators found remains of a kylix, a lekane, a krater, and several fragments of skyphoi and lamps.162 The excavators, however, connected the votive-finds in the open square to this building and argued that this strange building must have been the actual sanctuary for Hygieia. The Thorikos V (1971), p Thorikos V (1971), p Mussche has difficulties dating the rebuilding of the front-room, and proposes that the most likely possibility would be in the fourth century BC. Mussche (1974), p. 45. Mussche (1975), p. 51. Thorikos V (1971), p

45 banqueting-room in the close proximity of the sanctuary could in that case have been a room for incubations. Although in later publications the building with the four rooms is always described as a sanctuary for Hygieia and Asklepios163, there are still some unsolved problems with the interpretation of this building as a sanctuary. The Problems of a Cult The discovery of the inscription and the figurines in Insula 10 indeed seems to point out that there was probably a sanctuary located in this area. The main problem with the interpretation of the excavators, however, is that the inscription and votive-finds were not found in the building they called a sanctuary, but on the open square several metres to the east. Besides, the entrances of the buildings in Insula 10 are both facing the south, instead of the east. Therefore, we should not exclude the possibility that the sanctuary was located in another building in the vicinity of the open square. If Insula 10 indeed incorporated a sanctuary for Hygieia, a second problem occurs. The cult of Hygieia only emerged from 420 BC onwards in Attica.164 The buildings in Insula 10, however, are much older and are dated to the late seventh/early sixth century and the late sixth century BC. A sanctuary for Hygieia in one of these buildings in this early period thus seems unlikely. One possible explanation would be that the votive-finds did not belong to these buildings, but to another building in the vicinity of the open square. A second possibility is that one of these buildings was only later converted into a sanctuary. This later transformation would also explain why the cultic finds are almost all dated to the fourth century BC and not earlier. The inscription is dated to the third quarter of the fourth century BC. The plastic vases are all dated to the fourth century BC. Only the three figurines are dated to the late fifth century BC. 165 In the fourth century there were also additions made to both buildings in Insula 10. The proclaimed sanctuary was now divided in four chambers, whereas the banqueting-hall was enlarged with two new rooms and a stairs. A possible cult in Thorikos in Insula 10 for Hygieia thus seems to be more likely from the late fifth or early fourth century BC onwards. This would also fit in nicely in the context of the emergence of the cult of Hygieia in Attica. The last problem with the interpretation of a cult for Hygieia in Thorikos is the fact that the Mussche (1974), p. 45. Mussche (1978), p. 52. Mussche (1986), p. 58. Garland (1992), p Kearns (2010), p. 302 and 335. Smith (2011), p. 54. The cult of Asklepios and Hygieia was first established in Attica in Zea at Pireaus. See the inscription on the 'Telemachos Monument': IG II² The figurines are TT68.10, TT68.11, and TT

46 name of Hygieia is absent from the sacrificial calendar of Thorikos, in which all sacrifices performed by the deme are mentioned. This raises the question why the goddess was not mentioned in the calendar to receive a sacrifice. A possible explanation could be that at the time the sacrificial calendar was inscribed, the cult of Hygieia was not yet established. The calendar dates to the late fifth century BC, approximately BC.166 If the cult of Hygieia was indeed established only in the late fifth or early fourth century BC, the cult would not have existed when the calendar was inscribed.167 Another possibility why Hygieia was not mentioned in the calendar could be that the goddess did not receive any communal sacrifices that could have been inscribed in the calendar, but was honoured by individual sacrifices only. In that case, the goddess did not receive sacrifices on behalf of the entire deme, but received gifts of individuals. Conclusion The establishment of a cult in or in the vicinity of Insula 10 seems to be supported by the discovery of the inscription, the figurines and the plastic vases. The excavators have interpreted the four-room building as a sanctuary for Hygieia, due to the strange floor-plan of this building. However, after an extensive study of Insula 10 I would conclude that this interpretation is far from certain. The evidence seems to point out that there was a sanctuary in or near Insula 10, and maybe this was indeed for the healing-goddess Hygieia. However, the location of the sanctuary is far from certain, and remains problematic. It seems preferable to date the cult of Hygieia in Thorikos in the late fifth or early fourth century BC. If the four-room building in Insula 10 was indeed part of a sanctuary for Hygieia, this would mean that it served another purpose before it was rebuilt in the fourth century. A similar interpretation can be applied to the banqueting-hall, which in the fourth century was enlarged and completed with a stairs. Therefore, it is possible to argue that there was a cult for a goddess in the midst of the Industrial Quarter, but its location and recipient still need more research Lupu (2005), p Larson (1995), p. 27. Ekroth (2002), p. 158 and Kearns (2010), p Daux, however, dates the calendar to the early fourth century BC. Daux (1983), p There are lines inscribed on the sides of the stone, which could have been later additions to the main text. If the lines on the sides are indeed additions to the main text, it is unclear why Hygieia was not added later. 45

47 A Temple for Demeter? (Adami Plain) In the middle of the eighteenth century a doric building was found in the Adami plain, south-west of the Velatouri.168 The building was excavated five times, and each time the area was overgrown again and had to be relocated.169 Valerios Staïs was the first excavator to interpret this building as a temple for Demeter, and this idea was supported by the excavators of the 1960s and 1970s. 170 The Society of the Dilettanti and the excavators of the 1990s, however, have rejected this interpretation and argued that the ground-plan of this building does not support its usage as a temple.171 Fig. 16. Floor-plan of the Doric building of the excavations by the Greek Archaeological Society in the 1990s. The Doric Building The building in the Adami plain was built in the late fifth or the fourth century BC. 172 The building measures approximately fifteen metres by thirty-two metres. The long sides of the building count fourteen doric columns and on the short side seven columns would fit. Excavations in the 1990s, however, have shown that on the location of the middle three columns of the short sides a wall was placed (Fig. 16).173 The excavations of the Dilettanti in the nineteenth century already pointed out that this building did not have walls behind the columns, but the entire floor-plan of the building was only recently deciphered during the excavations of the Greek Archaeological Society in the 1990s.174 During these excavations it became clear that the ground-plan of the building consisted of Le Roy [1770] (2004), p Le Roy [1770] (2004), p Society of the Dilettanti (1833), p Staïs (1893), p Thorikos II (1967), p Thorikos IV (1969), p Thorikos V (1971), p Petrakos (1995), p Petrakos (1997), p Petrakos (1998), p Staïs (1893), p Thorikos II (1967), p Thorikos IV (1969), p Thorikos V (1971), p Society of the Dilettanti (1833), p Petrakos (1995), p Petrakos (1997), p Petrakos (1998), p Mussche (1975), p. 48. Miles (2015), p In his book of 1998 Mussche dates the temple to the fourth century BC. Mussche (1998), p. 64. Petrakos (1997), p Petrakos (1995), p Petrakos (1997), p Petrakos (1998), p

48 a colonnade surrounding an open building with in the middle a wall separating the building in two. There was an opening in the middle of this wall. Between the central columns of the long sides the intervals are wider than the intervals between the other columns, which seems to point out that it was possible to cross the building through the middle. 175 Besides, between the wider intervals of the middle columns the two-stepped krepidoma is constructed on both sides into a stepping-stone to enter the building. The excavators found no clear stone remains of a roof, as a result of which it is likely that the roof was made of wood. The ground-plan of the building does not fit the ground-plan of a common Greek temple. However, there is some archaeological material found that could indicate that this building was indeed a temple for a goddess. The archaeological material that has been found, comprises a horosinscription, a statue-base and two kernos-vases. The horos-inscription was found at the end of the nineteenth century by a farmer from Keratea who said that he found it near the doric building. 176 The inscription reads: 'ΗΟΡΟΣ ΤΕΜΕΝΟΥΣ ΤΟΙΝ ΘΕΟΙΝ'.177 This can be translated as: 'the boundary-stone of the temenos to the goddesses'. The exact finding-spot of the stone is unknown, which makes it difficult to argue where this temenos was located. Besides, the word 'temenos' does not directly refer to a sacred building or a temple specifically, but applies to the sacred domains of the god or goddess as a whole and can also refer to a sacred land.178 In the excavation report of Staïs, he mentioned that he found an inscription on one of the two pedestals next to the south-east entrance of the building, and close to it a part of the head of the statue of a female.179 The inscription reads: 'ἀνέθηκεν'. However, the inscription and the female head are for unknown reasons not mentioned in later excavation-reports. It is possible that this female head belonged to the statue on the pedestal and was maybe dedicated to a goddess. If this interpretation is correct, the location of the pedestal before the doric building seems to point out that the building was maybe indeed (part of) a sanctuary. There were also two kernos-vases found. The kernos is often connected to cultic rituals for female deities who were linked to the chthonic sphere, like Demeter. 180 The first kernos was found in 1959 on a slag-heap near a mine of Thorikos, but the exact location is unknown. 181 The second kernos was found in a room in an ore-washery, which lay a few hundred metres to the north-west of Society of the Dilettanti (1833), p and plate I. Miles (2015), p Leonardos (1892), p. 27. Staïs (1893), p. 17. IGII/III³ SEG Dinsmoor (1982), p Staïs (1893), p. 17. Pollitt (1979), p Kernos-vase, Collection of the American School of Classical Studies in Athens, ASP 54. Pollitt (1979), p Ellis Jones (1982), p

49 the doric building, near the modern church of Agios Georgios. 182 The direct relationship between these two kernos-vases and the doric building seems to be far-fetched, but is is possible that these two vases indeed belonged to a cult for Demeter in Thorikos. The rest of the archaeological material has not been preserved. The excavators of the eighteenth and nineteenth century did not keep the sherds that were found in and near the doric building. Besides, already in antiquity there were problems with floods in this area and the plain is repeatedly covered by new sediments.183 Much of the archaeological material has disappeared by these floods, as a result of which the context of the building is mostly destroyed. The Function of the Doric Building As mentioned before, some scholars have argued that this doric building was a temple for Demeter, while others disagree on this interpretation. The ground-plan of the building does not fit our common idea of a temple, and looks more like a stoa or propylon. The archaeological evidence, however, does support some kind of cult in this area. I will now discuss the different interpretations of the function of this building with the use of the available material. The first and oldest interpretation is that this doric building was a temple for Demeter and possibly also for her daughter Persephone or Kore. This interpretation was first established by Le Roy in the eighteenth century and followed by Staïs in the end of the nineteenth century. 184 Mussche also seems to prefer this interpretation of the building, although he is less certain and is open for other possibilities.185 The boundary-marker of the horos of the goddesses, the statue-base and the kernos-vases can all be related to a religious cult in the vicinity of the doric building. None of the archaeological evidence does directly refer to a cult for Demeter in this area. However, scholars were in search for a cult for Demeter, because of her importance to Thorikos in myth. In the Homeric Hymn to Demeter Thorikos is mentioned as the harbour where Demeter landed in Attica in her search for her daughter Persephone.186 A geo-electric prospection in 1968 has demonstrated that in antiquity the bay was located deeper inland and nearer to the doric building. 187 In antiquity the city of Thorikos was thus located nearer to the sea than nowadays. It is possible that if there was a story of the Kernos-vase, Archaeological Museum of Lavrion, AGR 79. Ellis Jones (1982), p Thorikos V (1971), p. 9 and 16. The excavators also found ditches near the building of which they suggested that in antiquity they were used for the drainage of water to keep the site dry. Le Roy [1770] (2004), p Staïs (1893), p Mussche (1974), p. 45. Mussche (1986), p. 58. Mussche (1998), p HH Thorikos V (1971), p. 16. Thorikos VI (1973), p. 98. Mussche (1974), p. 45. Mussche (1975), p. 49. Mussche (1978), p

50 landing of Demeter in Thorikos a temple was built near the sea to highlight the importance of the goddess to this town. Besides, Demeter is also mentioned in the sacrificial calendar of Thorikos to receive three sacrifices during three different festivals in her honour. 188 The evidence of these primary sources and the important role the goddess played in Thorikos have thus been used to argue that there must have been a temple for Demeter in Thorikos. To perform these sacrifices of the sacrificial calendar it is likely that there was indeed some kind of sacred area in Thorikos with an altar for the goddess. Demeter and her daughter Persephone were often honoured together.189 However, Persephone is not mentioned in the sacrificial calendar of Thorikos. Therefore, it is possible that Demeter was solemnly worshipped in Thorikos, or that the mentioning of Demeter in the calendar was enough for the inhabitants to know that Persephone was referred to as well. The latter explanation would mean that the word 'ΘΕΟΙΝ' on the boundary-stone indeed referred to these goddesses. The main problem with this interpretation is that the ground-plan of the doric building does not look like a temple. Besides, its orientation is not east-west, as we should expect. Therefore, scholars have presented other interpretations for the function of this building. In the 1830s the Society of the Dilettanti had already argued that this building cannot be a temple, because of the strange floor-plan.190 In the 1990s the Greek Archaeological Society did renewed excavations and concluded that this building must have been some kind of double-stoa with a similar function as a stoa.191 A similar ground-plan can be found in the Corcyraean stoa in Elis and the Middle stoa on the Agora. The Corcyraean stoa dates to the late fifth century BC and is a doric building with two colonnades on the long sides and in the middle a wall.192 The stoa was built in the middle of the agora of Elis, and according to Pausanias the building was filled with statues. 193 The Middle stoa on the Agora dates to the early second century BC and seems to have been the entrance towards the south square.194 The stoa is divided in two by columns with a screen wall, and is on all sides surrounded by doric columns. The doric building in Thorikos could thus have had a similar function as these two stoas as a meeting-place, an entrance, and also as an impressive monument. Especially the horos-inscription and the dedication seem to point out that there was some kind of a sacred area in the Adami plain near this building. The temenos of the goddesses mentioned SEG , lines 21, 38 and 44. Burkert (1985), p Society of the Dilettanti (1833), p. 58. Petrakos (1995), p Petrakos (1997), p Petrakos (1998), p Pochmarski (1990), p. 7. Paus Camp (1986), p

51 in the inscription does not need to refer to a building, but can rather mean a sacred land of the goddesses. Miles thus interpreted this building as a stoa or a propylon to enter the sacred space of a temple or sacred land of the goddesses.195 She argued that the building was some kind of commemorative monument and showcase for the inhabitants of Thorikos and its visitors, next to serving the religious function as the entrance to a sanctuary. She suggested that this building contained sculpture and had dedications on the central wall to be visible for the visitors of the building. She compares its function to the stoa of Zeus on the Agora in Athens as a combined meeting-place, commemorative monument and temple.196 The idea of a propylon combined with a temple can also be found in the sanctuary of Athena at Lindos.197 In Lindos a stoa-like propylon stood in front of the sacred temple of Athena, and served as a passage to enter the temple which was built on top of the acropolis. The ground-plan of this propylon does not directly correspond to the ground-plan of the doric building, but its function could have been similar. It is possible that this building had an important commemorative function and enclosed statues and objects that were valued by the people of Thorikos. As with the necropolis near the theatre, which highlighted the past of the people of Thorikos, it is possible that this building fulfilled a similar function by highlighting the important objects that defined the identity of the people of Thorikos. The last interpretation of the function of the building was suggested by Mussche, but he did not elaborate it. Since there were some religious objects found in the vicinity of the building, he suggests that the building could also have been a telesterion for the cult of Demeter.198 In the sacrificial calendar of Thorikos Demeter does receive a sacrifice in the month Boedromion, which is the month of the Greater Mysteries celebrated in Eleusis. 199 However, it is unclear if there was indeed a relationship between this sacrifice and the Eleusinian Mysteries. Besides, the ground-plan that was presented by the Greek Archaeological Society does not look like a telesterion, and does not seem to support mysterious gatherings and initiations.200 Therefore, it seems likely that there was a cult for Demeter located somewhere in the Adami Miles (2015), p Miles also suggests that this building could have been the propylon to the not yet found agora of Thorikos. In that case this monumental building was part of the central location of the city. However, the surroundings of the doric building have not been excavated, as a result of which it is not yet possible to support this argument with archaeological evidence. Thompson (1937), p Pakkanen (1998), p Thorikos II (1967), p. 74. SEG , line 21. For example the telesteria in Eleusis were all built in a rectangular shape and had walls surrounding the central hall. Besides, the abundance of columns is characteristic for the telesterion and this is not the case in the doric building. For maps of these telesteria see Boersma (1970), p

52 plain in Thorikos. However, the ground-plan of the doric building suggests that this was not a temple. Moreover, the statue-bases, the enlarged space between the middle columns, the doorstep, and the doorway in the middle of the wall seem to support the interpretation that this building was an entrance towards an important area. It is possible that this entrance was located in the vicinity of a sacred area, which is supported by the horos-inscription and the dedication. In that case this building would be a propylon leading towards the temenos of the goddesses. The building, however, possibly had multiple functions and could also have been used as a stoa for meetings and commemorative functions. Future excavations are necessary to eventually reveal the context of the doric building. This is necessary to understand its precise function and to locate the temenos which the boundary-stone refers to. The lack of archaeological material and context limits the research of this area, but hopefully in the future these questions can be answered. Conclusion The connection of the city to Demeter seems to be enhanced by the myth of her landing in Thorikos in the Homeric Hymn and the three festivals that are mentioned for the goddess in the sacrificial calendar. In combination with the horos-inscription, the dedication, and the kernos-vases it seems likely that there was a cult for Demeter in Thorikos. Its location could probably be found in the Adami plain near the doric building. The ground-plan of the doric building itself seems to indicate that this was not a temple, but served different functions. Maybe the doric building was a propylon towards the temenos for Demeter and her daughter Persephone. Besides, the building probably also served the purpose of a stoa for meetings and markets, and had a commemorative and monumental function. The doric building itself has been extensively excavated, but the area surrounding the building has not had any attention of the excavators. To understand this building in its own context it is necessary to see what the immediate surroundings of this building have to tell us. Hopefully future excavations will show us the context of this area, as a result of which it will be possible to elaborate further on the function of this building. 51

53 The Votive-Terrace (A52) Further upwards and slightly to the west of the Industrial Quarter on the edge of a cliff there is a stone platform with cuts for stone stelai (Fig. 17, 18). This stone platform is called the votive terrace, but its precise function has not yet been explained. It is clear that this platform is placed on an important spot, clearly visible on the edge of a cliff which overlooks the northern part of the Adami plain and the southern part of the Potami valley. The platform consists of five rectangular cuts, which could have contained stelai. The stone platform is called the votive terrace, but there is no archaeological evidence to assume that there were votives placed on this platform. It seems to be more likely that this platform was used for grave stelai. The excavated areas of the West-Necropolis are situated approximately eighty metres to the north of the terrace. The area in between has not yet been excavated and it could be possible that the West-Necropolis extended much further to the south towards the stone platform. After an extensive study of the total amount of graves in Thorikos, Mussche argued that the amount of graves found until now not even comes close to correspond to the population sizes of the city in the archaic, and especially classical, period.201 It is possible that the West-Necropolis was a lot bigger than the excavations until now have put forward. The archaeological survey in this area has shown that there are some features between the West-Necropolis and the stone platform that could support the idea that the WestNecropolis was extended further to the south. 202 In the meso-square C52.1 there is an excavated grave203, and in the meso-square B52.4 there is a feature which is very probably also a grave. Both graves are located north of the votive-terrace, and in between the terrace and the West-Necropolis. This is an indication that it is likely that the area between the excavated part of the West-Necropolis and the stone platform was used for graves. In the West-Necropolis the excavators also found a similar stone base as the cuts in the stone-platform, with a grave stele of the first half of the fourth century BC.204 North of the stone platform, in the macro-square B52, there is also a long wall visible, which could have been used to create terraces. These kind of walls are also placed in the theatre-necropolis and in the West-Necropolis.205 Therefore, it seems likely that this platform did not contain votives, but grave stelai. The stone platform was clearly visible from the cliff. If the cuts were indeed used for grave stelai, it is possible that this location was chosen on purpose to highlight the importance of the dead. The people who came to Thorikos over land from the north were able to see this platform with the Mussche (1998), p. 29. The study of the survey of 2014 has not yet been published. This grave has not been published. TE63.1. Thorikos I (1968), p Theatre-Necropolis: Mussche (1998), p. 41. West-Necropolis: Thorikos I (1968), p

54 grave stelai before entering the city. The importance of ancestors in Thorikos was thus not only highlighted by the location of the necropolis near the theatre, but is also visible by the chosen location of this platform. The platform would have held important grave stelai, which the people of Thorikos wanted to show to the visitors of their city and also to the residents of Thorikos themselves. Fig. 17 and 18. Overviews of the votive-terrace on the edge of the cliff. 53

55 Conclusion In the sixth and fifth century BC a change occurred in the cult-practice in Thorikos. Although the hero-cults remained in practice until the fourth century, new religious cults emerged as well. The Kleisthenic reforms in 508 changed the political shape of Attica, which resulted in the establishment of the demes. In this period Thorikos became a political unity, which is also visible in the new established cults of the deme. The cults were less of individual family-cults and became overarching groups connecting the citizens of the deme. The cult of Dionysos was established in the middle of the fifth century. The two festivals for the god that were held in Thorikos also highlight this communal worship. The cult of Demeter shows a similar case of communal worship through the festivals of the deme for the goddess. Although the location of the sanctuary of Demeter is far from certain, there is enough evidence to conclude that it is likely that there was a cult for the goddess in Thorikos. If a cult for Hygieia was indeed established in Thorikos, this cult would also have served the need of the deme as a whole. Although the goddess maybe did not receive a sacrifice on behalf of the entire deme, the centrality of the cult in the residential quarter of the town shows its accessibility for individual citizens to turn to the goddess for healing and welfare. The ancestors probably remained to play an important role in cult-life in Thorikos. This is highlighted by the close proximity of the necropolis to the theatre and the stone-platform on the cliff, which possibly contained grave-stelai. The importance of the visibility of the ancestors in Thorikos shaped the common identity of the citizens and created a connection between the past and present through the visibility of the dead. 54

56 4. The Sacrificial Calendar of Thorikos The exact finding-spot of the sacrificial calendar of Thorikos is unknown, but it was somewhere in the vicinity of Thorikos.206 The calendar is ascribed to the deme of Thorikos, since the hero Thorikos is mentioned twice in the calendar and receives expensive sacrifices.207 The first publications of the calendar were made from a written copy of the inscription, and the study of the actual stone only took place from 1983 onwards, when the stone was bought by the J. Paul Getty Museum. The sacrificial calendar of Thorikos is one of the six Attic sacrificial calendars that were found until now.208 The calendar of Thorikos is dated to the late fifth or early fourth century BC and is the oldest of these known sacrificial calendars.209 The inscription is produced in stoichedon and mentions the sacrifices that have to be performed each month for different gods and heroes (Fig. 19, Appendix I and II). The sacrificial calendar consists of a list of sacrifices performed in the twelve months of the Athenian year. The months are ordered chronologically and the calendar starts with the month Hekatombaion. The calendar mentions recipients, types of victims, festivals, and in some cases a location is mentioned or a specification of the sacrifice. The calendar was probably established as an informative document for the residents of the deme to see when sacrifices were performed and festivals were organised.210 On the left and right sides of the stone additions have been made. Since not all additions directly correspond to the main text, Eran Lupu has argued that the back-side of the stone must have been inscribed as well.211 However, the back-side of the stone is severely damaged and, therefore, it is not possible to verify this interpretation. In the last section of the calendar the euthynos and his assistants are to swear an oath to Zeus, Apollo and Demeter to scrutinize the elected officials. The addition of this last section about the euthynos is also used as an argument to interpret this calendar as a deme-calendar, because the office of euthynos is attested for different demes.212 The euthynos is provided an oath-victim in the SEG Vanderpool (1975), p Dunst (1977), p Labarbe (1977), p Daux (1980), p Daux (1983), p Lupu (2005), p Kearns (2010), p Vanderpool (1975), p. 33. Lupu (2005), p Stephen D. Lambert and Michael H. Jameson have both argued that the influence of the sacrificial calendar probably extended the deme-borders. Lambert (2002), p And Jameson (2014), p Parker (1987), p Larson (1995), p. 27. Boehringer (2001), p. 78. Ekroth (2002), p Late fifth century ( BC): Lupu (2005), p Larson (1995), p. 27. Ekroth (2002), p And Kearns (2010), p The calendar is dated to the early fourth century ( BC) by Daux (1983), p Boehringer (2002), p. 78. Lupu (2005), p Lupu (2005), p The back-side of the stone is worn down, because the stone was later used as a threshold. The first part of the added lines on the left side of the stone are truncated and a plausible explanation would be that these letters are an addition to the text on the back-side of the stone. The lines on the right side can be better incorporated in the text on the front-side of the stone and could have been later additions to the main text. Whitehead (1986b), p

57 months Boedromion (line 12) and Skirophorion (line 52). The sacrifices of the oath-victims mentioned in these months are probably also related to the oath of the euthynos at the end of the document.213 Fig. 19. The sacrificial calendar of Thorikos (SEG ). To give an overall idea about the cults in Thorikos, I will first discuss all gods and heroes mentioned in the calendar. Second, I will focus on the locations of the cults mentioned in the calendar and the implications of these cults on the communal life of the residents of Thorikos. 213 Lupu (2005), p

58 The Cults of the Calendar: The Gods Dionysos The archaeological evidence discussed in chapter 3 already points out that there was a cult for Dionysos in Thorikos. The sacrificial calendar presents us with the evidence of three sacrifices for the god on behalf of the deme-citizens. Dionysos receives the first sacrifice of the year in Posideion during the Rural Dionysia (line 31). The Rural Dionysia were held in different attic demes in the month Posideion.214 There are two inscriptions found in Thorikos concerning theatrical festivities in Thorikos. The first inscription is a deme decree of the people of Thorikos in which is mentioned that three choregoi had to offer a sacrifice.215 The second inscription is a choregic dedication.216 Three winning choregoi and their protagonists are mentioned in this inscription, two victors for comedies and one victor for tragedy. The inscriptions are dated to the fourth century BC 217, which is only a little later than the establishment of the sacrificial calendar. It seems likely that these two inscriptions referred to the theatrical performances held in the theatre of Thorikos during the Rural Dionysia. The second sacrifice for Dionysos is performed in the month Anthesterion and the day of the sacrifice is specified on the twelfth of the month (lines 33-34). Dionysos receives a tawny-coloured (or maybe black: 'μέλανα') goat.218 As mentioned before in chapter 3, the specification of the day of the month is probably important and refers to the Choes-day of the Anthesteria-festival. On this day there were drinking contests and the dead ancestors were thought to wander through the town. It is possible that there was a connection between this festival in which the dead played an important role and the location of the necropolis near the theatre. The sacrifice for Dionysos in the month Mounichion (line 45) is the third sacrifice for the god in this calendar. In this month Dionysos again receives a tawny-coloured sacrifice. This is the only sacrifice for the god in this calendar that cannot be linked to a festival, like the Dionysia and Anthesteria, and probably took place outside Thorikos as well. I will come back to this when discussing the locations of the cults Mikalson (1977), p Whitehead (1986b), p A few examples of other demes where the festival was probably held, are: Aixone, Eleusis, Myrrhinous and Peiraeus. The Great Dionysia were held in Athens in the month Elaphebolion. TE Thorikos VIII (1984), p TE Thorikos VIII (1984), p Thorikos VIII (1984), p. 176 and 178. Dionysos is the only recipient in the calendar who receives a specified coloured victim. Lupu already suggested that the colour of the sacrifice could be related to the cult-practice of the god. Lupu (2005), p

59 Demeter Although the archaeological evidence for a cult of Demeter in Thorikos is poor, the amount of sacrifices for Demeter in the sacrificial calendar supports the existence of her cult in Thorikos. The first reference to a sacrifice for the goddess can be found in the month Hekatombaion (line 5-6). In this month scholars have reconstructed the word 'πρηρο[σίαν]', which probably referred to the Proerosia, the 'pre-plowing' festival in honour of Demeter.219 The Proerosia were a local festival, celebrated in the demes.220 The Proerosia were also mentioned in this calendar in the month Boedromion (line 13), causing Parker to argue that the Proerosia mentioned in the month Hekatombaion was some kind of festival or sacrifice preceding the actual festival of the Proerosia in Boedromion.221 He argues that the month Hekatombaion in mid-summer seems too early for a pre-plowing festival. Therefore, in this case a festival in Hekatombaion in Thorikos preceding this pre-plowing festival in Boedromion seems more suitable. This idea of Parker is also supported by the morphology of these two words. Proerosia in Hekatombaion is a feminine singular, while the Proerosia in Boedromion is a neuter plural, as is used to refer to the Dionysia. 222 In this case it is more likely that the Proerosia in Boedromion was indeed the Proerosia-festival itself, whereas the Proerosia in Hekatombaion was a minor festival or sacrifice preliminary to the actual festival.223 Since two other festivals for the goddess associated with agriculture are mentioned in this calendar as well, namely the Chloia-sacrifice (line 38) and Antheia-sacrifice (line 44), Parker has argued that these three sacrifices together celebrated the circle of agriculture in honour of Demeter.224 While the Proerosia celebrated the pre-ploughing, the Chloia celebrated the sprouting of the grain and the Antheia the flowering of the grain. If these sacrifices were indeed performed in honour of the agricultural circle, this also shows the importance of farming in this rural attic deme. In the month Boedromion Demeter receives a second sacrifice next to the sacrifice during the Proerosia (line 21). This is the only sacrifice for the goddess in the calendar that is not further specified. It is possible that this sacrifice was connected to the Greater Eleusinian Mysteries for Labarbe (1977), p. 56. Ekroth (2002), p Lupu (2005), p In Myrrhinous Zeus is the recipient of the Proerosia-sacrifice. See IG II² 1183, line 33. Whitehead (1986b), p Lupu (2005), p Parker (2005), p. 75. Other demes known celebrating the Proerosia are Eleusis, Myrrhinous, Paiania and Piraeus. Parker (1987), p Daux (1983), p Demeter seems to be the most likely recipient of this festival, because of the context of the festival as an agricultural festival. This is suggested by Parker (1987), p And Kearns (2010), p Parker (1987), p This idea is supported by Lupu (2005), p The use of the feminine singular in both cases seems to refer to a preliminary sacrifice surrounding the actual festival and not directly to the celebration of the festival itself, as the Proerosia in Boedromion. It is thus possible that there were three sacrifices as a celebration of the agricultural circle, namely the Chloia-sacrifice, the Antheia-sacrifice and the Proerosia-sacrifice in Hekatombaion, whereas the Proerosia in Boedromion was an actual festival. 58

60 Demeter, which were held in Eleusis in the month Boedromion. 225 In the sacrificial calendar of the Marathonian Tetrapolis a sacrifice is mentioned for an unknown recipient during the Eleusinian Mysteries in this month.226 Although the name of the recipient is not preserved, this was very likely Demeter. Therefore, it is possible that Demeter was honoured in the month of the Mysteries on a more local level in Attica as well. Hekate All over Attica small figurines of Hekate are found near doorways to protect the household, also against the pollution of death.227 In the month Hekatombaion Hekate receives a sacrifice (line 5). The sacrifice in Hekatombaion is the only sacrifice for the goddess in this calendar, and the location and kind of sacrifice are not preserved. A possible connection between Thorikos and Hekate can be seen in the goddess' relationship to Demeter. In the Homeric Hymn to Demeter, Hekate is mentioned as the only goddess to support Demeter in her search for her daughter, and later she also became the companion of Persephone.228 This relationship of Hekate to the quest of Demeter is interesting, because Demeter first arrived in Thorikos on her way to Eleusis. It is possible that Hekate was worshipped in Thorikos because of her role in Demeter's search and the latter goddess' landing in Thorikos. Zeus In the sacrificial calendar Zeus receives the most sacrifices of all the gods and heroes. The god is mentioned with several epithets. Zeus Kataibates, the 'one who descends', receives a sacrifice in Metageitnion (line 10) and Pyanopsion (line 25). Zeus Kataibates is often worshipped at places where the lightning had struck.229 This location was often made a sacred place for the god, as if the god was descended from the sky to the earth through the lightning. In the month Boedromion Zeus Polieus, the protector of the city, receives a sacrifice (line 13). It is possible that Zeus as a protector of the city receives a sacrifice in the deme for protection of the deme itself. However, it is also possible that Zeus Polieus is honoured as the protector of the Parker (1987), p SEG , lines 5-6. In both the calendar of Thorikos and the calendar of the Marathonian Tetrapolis the sacrifice for Demeter in the month of the Mysteries is combined with a sacrifice for Kourotrophos. What the latter's function in this context was, is unknown. Maybe this relationship had something to do with Kourotrophos' later identification with Demeter. Parker (2005), p and 57. HH , and Kearns (2010), p

61 city of Athens as a whole. The addition of a location seems to indicate a preference for the second explanation, but I will elaborate on this in the chapter about the locations of the cults. Zeus Herkeios also receives a sacrifice in the calendar (line 22). The god was the protector of the courtyard and was especially important as a protector of the household as a house god. 230 Günter Dunst and Robert Parker have both argued that the sacrifice in this calendar to Zeus Herkeios was connected to the sacrifice to Demeter in the previous line in the context of the Eleusinian Mysteries.231 Zeus Herkeios and Demeter are also mentioned together in the sacrificial calendar of Athens.232 Other references, however, are not available and individual worship of the two gods also remains a plausible option. The name of Zeus Herkeios also appears on the left and right side of the stone. Since we do not know if these sides belong to the front-side of the stone, any conclusions about these additional sacrifices are speculative. However, it is noteworthy to mention that the additions on these sides are at the same level as a sacrifice for Demeter, which could strengthen the argument of Dunst and Parker that Zeus Herkeios and Demeter are somehow connected in attic cult. A sacrifice during the Diasia for Zeus Meilichios is also mentioned in the calendar in the month Anthesterion (line 35). Zeus Meilichios was a chthonic deity, whose epithet means 'the kindly'.233 The cult of Zeus Meilichios was widespread in Attica. Thucydides wrote about the Diasia that it was the greatest festival of the Athenians in honour of Zeus.234 The evidence for a cult of Zeus in Thorikos itself is only supported by a find in the nineteenth century. A horos-inscription dating to the fourth century BC was found, mentioning a sanctuary for Zeus 'Α ὐαντῆρος'.235 The exact location of the inscription is unclear, but the find of such an inscription seems to point out that there was indeed a sacred space for the god in Thorikos. However, the epithet 'Α ὐαντῆρος' is unknown from other sources and a local deity seems possible here. In the month Elaphebolion Zeus receives a sacrifice (line 39), but this is the only case in the calendar that there is no epithet mentioned to Zeus. Maybe the sacrifice for Zeus without an epithet in the month Elaphebolion was a sacrifice for this local deity Dunst (1977), p Lupu (2005), p Dunst (1977), p Parker (1987), p IG II² 1357a-b, lines Sokolowski (1962), p. 28. This sacrifice for Zeus Meilichios is performed in the month Anthesterion, in which the only other sacrifice was the offering for Dionysos during the Choes. The sacrifices in this month were thus closely related to the chthonic sphere, which is a maybe an indication that this month was identified with the celebration of the dead. Thuc IG II² Lolling (1892), p

62 Poseidon In the month Boedromion Poseidon receives two sacrifices (lines 19 and 23). Boehringer has argued that the sacrifices for Poseidon in this month can be linked to the closing of the maritime season.236 In the coastal deme of Thorikos seafaring was probably an important aspect of a large part of the population and sacrifices to please the god of the sea seem likely. Boehringer also connects the hero Sosineos to seafaring, who receives a sacrifice in Thargelion in order to open the seafaring season (line 50). Kourotrophos Kourotrophos is mentioned three times in the calendar, two times in Boedromion (lines 21 and 22) and one time in Mounichion (line 42). Each sacrifice consists of a piglet. In Athenian cult Kourotrophos is often worshipped as a goddess of children and nursing.237 Scholars have also argued that the sacrifice for Kourotrophos was a preliminary sacrifice in order to sacrifice to some of the Olympian gods.238 This means that in the calendar of Thorikos her sacrifice precedes the sacrifices of Demeter (line 21), Athena (line 23), and Leto, Artemis and Apollo (lines 42-43). However, it is not clear why Kourotrophos only needed a preliminary sacrifice before these gods and not for all the other Olympian gods. Besides, Kourotrophos is mentioned before Demeter in line 21, whereas the other sacrifices for Demeter are not preceded by a sacrifice for Kourotrophos. Athena In the month Boedromion Athena receives a sacrifice (line 23). However, for an unknown reason the sacrifice and name of the goddess were scratched away in antiquity. The erasure seems odd and a plausible explanation for it has not yet been presented. It is possible that it was a mistake of the inscriber, or that the sacrifice for Athena was later cancelled.239 In Skirophorion the goddess receives a sacrifice at the Plynteria (line 53). In Athens the Plynteria took place in the month Thargelion and during this festival they washed the statue of Athena.240 Since the festival is mentioned in a different month, scholars have argued that this Boehringer (2001), p. 82. He argues that a similar sacrifice for the opening of seafaring season can be found in a decree of the genos Salaminioi of the fourth century BC. SEG , line 85. Burkert (1985), p Lupu (2005), p Later Kourotrophos was also identified with Ge or Demeter. Dunst (1977), p Parker (1987), p Lupu (2005), p Dunst (1977), p Lupu (2005), p Parker (2005), p Kearns (2010), p

63 sacrifice was connected to a local version of this city-festival.241 It is possible that at the local Plynteria similar rituals were performed as at the festival in the city. In this case it is likely that the local festival also celebrated the washing of the statue of Athena. As mentioned in chapter 2 a sanctuary of Athena could have been located on the acropolis in Thorikos, pointed out by the discovery of a female votive-statuette. In the month Skirophorion Athena receives a second sacrifice (line 54). Scott Scullion has suggested that this second sacrifice for Athena could also have been related to the Plynteriafestival.242 If this interpretation is correct, it would make sense that also Aglauros was connected to this festival, since she is mentioned between the two sacrifices of Athena. However, we should also not exclude the possibility that these sacrifices were offered separately. Apollo In the calendar Apollo receives several sacrifices. In Boedromion the god receives two sacrifices: a young goat and a young pig (lines 20 and 24). In the month Pyanopsion the festival of the Pyanopsia in honour of Apollo is mentioned (line 27). 243 This festival celebrated gratitude and vegetation. In Athens it was celebrated on 7 Pyanopsion. In the calendar the Pyanopsia is mentioned as the last sacrifice in the month, which allows for the possibility that a local Pyanopsia was maybe celebrated in Thorikos after the city-pyanopsia.244 It is, however, unclear what kind of rituals were performed at such a local Pyanopsia in comparison to the city-festival. On the left side of the stone the festival Pyanopsia is also mentioned. It seems unlikely that there were two Pyanopsia-festivals held in Thorikos. Therefore, the argument of Lupu that the left side corresponds with the back-side of the stone seems plausible.245 In Mounichion there is a sacrifice for Pythian Apollo. This kind of sacrifice is reconstructed as a triple sacrifice: a sacrifice of three different animals. This is the only occasion that such a triplesacrifice is mentioned in this calendar. This sacrifice is large in comparison to the other sacrifices in the calendar and maybe highlights the importance of this god to the citizens of Thorikos. 246 Apollo also receives a second sacrifice this month (line 43). It is not clear if this sacrifice was also for Pythian Apollo or that this sacrifice was maybe related to the sacrifices of Artemis and Leto, following this sacrifice Lupu (2005), p Parker (2005), p. 76. Kearns (2010), p Scullion (1998), p It is unclear if the sacrifice for Neanias in the same line is also connected to this festival. Parker (1987), p Another possibility is that the sacrifices in this calendar are not mentioned in a chronological order. Lupu (2005), p Lupu (2005), p However, see the commentary on the Proerosia in Hekatombaion and Boedromion. Lupu (2005), p Kearns (2010), p

64 Artemis The month Mounichion is named after the festival Mounichia and in this month Artemis Mounichia receives a sacrifice (line 40).247 The festival Mounichia was held in honour of Artemis Mounichia on the sixteenth of the month at the temple of the goddess in Mounichia. The festival not only honoured the goddess, but also commemorated the victory at Salamis. This month Artemis also receives a second sacrifice (line 42). Like the other examples in the calendar where a recipient receives two sacrifices in one month, it is not clear if these sacrifices were connected or were performed at separate occasions. Leto Leto is only once mentioned in the calendar. She receives her sacrifice in the month Mounichion (line 42). This sacrifice is following a sacrifice for Artemis and Apollo in the same month. In the decree of the Salaminioi a similar case of consecutive sacrifices is visible in the month Metageitnion for Apollo, Artemis and Leto.248 Therefore, it is possible that in these cases these sacrifices for the three gods were connected in cult-practice. Hera The only sacrifice in the month Gamelion is for Hera during the festival of the Hieros Gamos (line 32). Hieros Gamos can be translated as the Sacred Marriage and was a festival celebrating the household and marriage, and also the marriage of Zeus and Hera. 249 It is the only occasion in this calendar in which Hera is mentioned. Although the festival of the Hieros Gamos celebrates the marriage between Zeus and Hera, only the latter receives a sacrifice. In the sacrificial calendar of Erchia a sacrifice was performed in the same month, probably also during the Hieros Gamos, for Hera and not for Zeus.250 Parker has argued that the cult for Hera was smaller in Attica, since her functions were incorporated in Attica by Athena. 251 However, the evidence of these sacrificial calendars also shows that in Attica Hera kept her function as protector of the marriage Parker (2005), p RO 37. Lupu (2005), p Parker (2005), p Kearns (2010), p SEG , line 31. Parker (2005), p

65 The Cults of the Calendar: The Heroes Thorikos and his Heroines The eponymous hero Thorikos is twice mentioned in the sacrificial calendar, in the month Boedromion (line 18) and in Maimakterion (line 28-30). Only the hero-couples of Kephalos and Prokris, and Thorikos and his heroines receive two sacrifices in this calendar. The other heroes in this calendar only receive one sacrifice, which probably also highlights the importance of the herocouples receiving two sacrifices. In the month Boedromion Thorikos receives a sheep and in Maimakterion a bovine. Thorikos is only mentioned in the Alexandrini Lexicon of Hesychius, and only by name. 252 There are no known mythological tales about the hero. We do not know anything about his identity, only that he was the name-giver of the town and deme of Thorikos. The heroines of Thorikos are also twice mentioned next to Thorikos in the calendar to receive sacrifices. In Boedromion, as well as in Maimakterion, they receive a table. Thorikos and his heroines are the only recipients of sacrifices in the month Maimakterion. In this month Thorikos receives a bovine, which is one of the most expensive sacrifices of the calendar.253 Therefore, it is possible that in Thorikos this month was dedicated to the eponymous hero of the deme and his heroines. Kephalos and Prokris Kephalos and Prokris receive two sacrifices in the calendar as well, in Boedromion (lines 16-17) and in Skirophorion (lines 54-56). According to Pherekydes and (pseudo-)apollodorus, Thorikos was the home of Prokris and Kephalos.254 As mentioned in chapter 2, ancestral inhabitants and ancestral customs were very important in Thorikos, already from the Geometric period onwards. Therefore, an important cult for the ancestral inhabitants Kephalos and Prokris in Thorikos seems likely. In the calendar in both cases Kephalos and Prokris are mentioned as a couple, and a joint cult in Thorikos is a likely possibility. However, the name of Prokris in Skirophorion is reconstructed and not all scholars agree that we should read Prokris here. The sacrifice for Prokris in Skirophorion is a sheep, which is an expensive sacrifice for a heroine in this calendar. Daux has already proposes Hsch. Lex. D 46. The bovine for Thorikos is specified to be worth not less than forty or fifty drachmas. This specification of price is exceptional in this calendar. The other example is the sheep for Prokris in line 56. A price-specification could also be reconstructed in line 4 by the word 'δραχμὴν'. Pherec. Th And Apollod

66 to reconstruct 'Ποσειδῶνι' here.255 Scullion adds the possibilities of 'Πανδώραι' and 'Πανδρόσωι'. 256 However, Pandrosos and Poseidon both do not fit the stoichedon, and the problem that a sheep was too expensive for a heroine would also be the case with Pandrosos and Pandora. 257 Besides, the importance of Prokris to Thorikos in myth and the mentioning of Kephalos in the previous line are both supporting the interpretation of reconstructing the name of Prokris here. The sheep worth twenty drachmas only emphasises the importance of the heroine in Thorikos, especially also in relation to the other heroines in the calendar. Philonis In the month Mounichion Georges Daux has restored the name of the heroine Philonis to fit the open space (line 44). According to the mythographer Konon, Philonis was an ancient inhabitant of Thorikos.258 Like the other heroines in the calendar, Philonis receives a table. It is possible that Philonis was honoured in Thorikos as an ancestor of the town, like Kephalos and Prokris. Neanias In Pyanopsion the hero Neanias is mentioned (line 27). It is unclear who this Neanias was and if in this case he is referred to as a hero or as symbol of youth. 259 In the sacrificial calendar of the Marathonian Tetrapolis a sacrifice for Neanias is also mentioned.260 In this calendar Neanias receives a triple-sacrifice in the month Mounichion. David Whitehead has argued that in the Marathonian calendar we should understand that this sacrifice was for a young boy, and not a hero called Neanias.261 Parker has suggested that we could also see this sacrifice to Neanias as part of a cult-rite of adolescence.262 In that case we should not read the name Neanias here, but read it as 'a young man'. If this interpretation of the name is correct, it is possible that there was some kind of festival of adolescence celebrated in Thorikos. This interpretation is supported by the mentioning of a specific date for this sacrifice, which in this calendar is further only added to the sacrifice during the Choes Daux (1983), p Scullion (1998), p Scullion (1998), p See line 57 for an example in the calendar in which the letters do not fit the stoichedon. Conon Narr. 26 F 1.7. Parker (1987), p However, Pherekydes mentions that Philonis was the inhabitant of Parnassos. FGrHist 3 F 120. Kearns (2010), p SEG , line 21. Whitehead (1986b), p Whitehead (1986b), p For his argument Whitehead refers to the use of the word 'Neanias' in Pausanias' Description of Greece. Pausanias refers to Neanias as a youth instead of a specific hero. Paus., Parker (1987), p We do not no of any festival celebrated on the sixteenth of the month Pyanopsion in Athens. There is only evidence 65

67 Aglauros In the month Skirophorion Aglauros is mentioned between two sacrifices for Athena (lines 53-54). It is possible that these sacrifices were connected, since there was a clear relationship between Aglauros and Athena in Attic cult. Scullion has argued that all the sacrifices in the month Skirophorion were connected to the Plynteria. 264 Although the relationship between Aglauros and Athena is clear, the connection of Kephalos with the Plynteria seems far-fetched. 265 However, Scullion is right to highlight this close connection, and also other scholars have emphasised at least a possible joint festival for Aglauros and Athena in Thorikos. 266 On the other hand, other festivals in this calendar also seem to stand on their own and it is not unthinkable that this is also the case in this month. Herakleidai and Alkmene In the month Elaphebolion Daux has reconstructed the second part of line 36 as 'Ἡρακλεῖ δά[μαλιν οἶν]'.267 However, because nowhere in the calender the heifer is mentioned as a sacrifice, Parker has argued that we should read this as Ἡρακλείδα[ις τέλεον]. 268 This would mean that the Herakleidai received a sacrifice in the month Elaphebolion and not Herakles. Alkmene, mother of Herakles and grandmother of the Herakleidai, receives a sacrifice in this month as well (line 37). As with Kephalos and Prokris, it is possible that they were worshipped together in Thorikos. There is also a decree of the deme Aixone in which the Herakleidai and Alkmene are mentioned together to receive a sacrifice.269 This could be the case in Thorikos as well. Anakes and Helen In the month Elaphebolion the Anakes receive a sacrifice (line 37), who are the Dioskouroi Kastor and Polydeukes.270 In the next lines Dunst has restored the name of Helen, the sister of Kastor and Polydeukes, to receive a sacrifice this month together with her brothers (lines 37-38). 271 Parker has argued that the cult for Helen in Thorikos could also have been encouraged by the tale in Euripides' of a meeting of the ekklesia on this day. Mikalson (1975), p. 74. Scullion (1998), p Scullion argues that Kephalos was the son of Hermes and Herse, and was thus through his mother related to Aglauros. Scullion (1998), p Parker (1987), p. 143 fn. 54. Scullion (1998), p. 77 and p Lupu (2005), p Daux (1983), p Parker (1984), p. 59. Whitehead supports this interpretation. Whitehead (1986b), p. 207 fn IG II² 1199, lines Lupu (2005), p Kearns (2010), p Dunst (1977), p

68 Helen of the first union of Paris and Helen on the island facing Thorikos, which was called 'Helen' afterwards.272 This sacrifice could be a reminder of this consummation and again highlights the importance of Thorikos in myth, like the mythical arrivals of Demeter and Dionysos in Thorikos. Nisos, Hyperpedios, Thras-, Sosineos, Rhogios, and Pylochos In the month Thargelion several heroes receive a sacrifice.273 Only the hero Nisos we know from other sources and in Thorikos he receives a sacrifice (line 49). He was a mythological king of Megara and the son of an Athenian king. Maybe Nisos received a sacrifice in Thorikos since he was related to Athens, but more about their relationship we do not know. Hyperpedios receives a sacrifice along with his heroines (lines 48-49). His name means 'above (or beyond) the plain'. Emily Kearns has suggested that Hyperpedios is maybe mentioned after the location of his sanctuary and in that case it is possible that his sanctuary can be found above or beyond the plain of Thorikos.274 From the name of the third hero this month we only now the first four letters, which are 'Θρασ' (line 49). There is nothing known about a hero with a name starting with these four letters and it is thus again possible that this was a local hero, only worshipped in Thorikos.275 The next hero who is mentioned is Sosineos (line 50). This hero was probably related to the seafaring as a saviour of ships.276 In a coastal deme like Thorikos it is likely that there were local heroes worshipped for safe seafaring. As mentioned before, this sacrifice could also have been presented to open the seafaring season, as Boehringer argued.277 Boehringer also argues that Rhogios was worshipped as a hero of seafaring as well (line 50).278 The name Rhogios, however, is not directly related to the sea, and 'τό ῥογίον' only means 'receiver'. Rhogios we also do not know from other sources. The last hero mentioned in this month is Pylochos (lines 50-51). He receives a sacrifice with his heroines. The Greek word 'πυλοῦχος' means protector of the gates, and it is thus possible that this hero and his heroines were local protectors of the town Eur. Hel., Parker (1987), p There is no explanation yet for the high amount of heroes mentioned in particular in this month. In the calendars of Erchia, the Marathonian Tetrapolis and the decree of the Salaminioi such an emphasis on heroes in this month is not found. Kearns (2010), p Daux (1983), p Parker (1987), p Lupu (2005), p Kearns (2010), p Boehringer (2001), p. 82. Boehringer (2001), p. 82. Parker (1987), p Larson (1995), p Kearns (2010), p

69 The Heroines of Koroni/Koroneis, and Phoenix Two names of recipients on the left and right sides of the calendar do not occur on the front-side of the stone. The heroines of Koroni or Koroneis appear on the left side of the stone and receive a sheep. Since the left side of the line is broken off this sacrifice probably fits to the back-side of the stone. Dunst has argued that these heroines were probably related to the nearby town of modern-day Koroni.280 This is the only case in the calendar that there is a genitive plural used for nameless heroines. The other anonymous heroines in the calendar are all accompanying a hero in the genitive singular. On the right side of the stone Phoenix receives a sacrifice. Phoenix could refer to the friend of Achilles or to the father of Europa, but the relationship between both mythological heroes and Thorikos is unknown.281 Parker has also suggested that we could read this word as 'the Phoenician', a hero who maybe lived or was buried in Thorikos Dunst (1977), p Parker (1987), p Lupu (2005), p Parker (1987), p

70 Locating the Cults The sacrificial calendar of Thorikos presents us with a fine example of which gods and heroes received sacrifices on behalf of the deme. However, what we do not know yet is for whom this calendar was erected. Was this indeed a calendar attributed to the deme of Thorikos, or was the influence of the calendar exceeding the deme-borders? This question of influence is already raised by both Jameson and Lambert.283 An answer to this question will shed light on the influence of the calendar, but also presents us with some information on the locations of the mentioned cults in the calendar. The calendar was not found in situ, which makes it difficult to determine the original location of the stone. The assumption that the sacrifices on this stone applied only to the citizens of the deme of Thorikos can be maintained by the fact that the hero Thorikos is mentioned twice in the calendar. However, both Jameson and Lambert have argued that it is also possible that the stone was not erected for the inhabitants of the deme of Thorikos in particular, but included a far larger area, exceeding the Kleisthenic deme-borders. Jameson argued that the religious entities that were already formed before the Kleisthenic reforms did not directly change and religious cult-practice remained the same, even after the political reorganisation in 508/7 BC. Lambert adds to this that the six discovered attic sacrificial calendars cannot all be connected to the political organisation of the Kleisthenic demes, like the calendar of the genos Salaminioi and the calendar of the Marathonian Tetrapolis.284 To locate the mentioned places of sacrifice in this calendar and to understand which cults were established in Thorikos, it is necessary that we have some idea about the area of influence of the calendar. If the sacrificial calendar indeed exceeded the Kleisthenic deme-borders of Thorikos, as Jameson and Lambert argue, the locations of the cults mentioned in the calendar were probably located in a far larger area than only the deme of Thorikos. As a result of this, the cult-identity highlighted by the calendar is also comprising a far larger area. This would mean that the calendar comprises local cults that were bound to local tradition, and were not only implemented by a political reorganisation in the late sixth century BC. Since deme-identity was highly influencing the lives of the people of Attica, and politics and religion could not be separated completely, it seems reasonable to argue here that political and religious identity in Thorikos were influencing one another in the late sixth century BC. The Jameson (2014), p and fn. 69. Lambert (2002), p. 81 fn. 21. Lambert argues that both the genos of the Salaminoi and the Marathonian Tetrapolis were pre-kleisthenic social groups and organisations, and exceeded the deme-borders. Lambert argues that even the calendar of Erchia could have been established by an old trikomia in the region of Erchia. Lambert (2002), p. 81 fn. 21. Lambert (2014), p

71 mentioning of the oath of the euthynos in this calendar is an example of the influence of the political organisation on the religious cults on a local level, since the euthynos was only operating on the level of the demes.285 If this document was indeed shaped by the new political landscape and the deme incorporated local cults of the inhabitants living inside the deme-borders, this document is a clear example of the influences between politics and religion in shaping identity in ancient Thorikos. As a result of this political change an entire new religious identity was created to which the people of the deme now belonged as a group and this strengthened their communal identity through cult-practice. I will now discuss the locations of the mentioned cults in the calendar to gain insight into the scope of influence of the calendar. Locations in the Calendar In the calendar some sacrifices were specified with a location, while others were not. After an extensive study of the occasions on which these sacrifices were mentioned with or without a location, some conclusions can be drawn. Firstly, the sacrifices that are mentioned with a location are a minority. Only seven different locations are mentioned in the calendar. The locations are only mentioned as specification to sacrifices for gods. None of the sacrifices for heroes or heroines is specified with a location. Secondly, the reason for specifying the location of a sacrifice for a god would only make sense if there would be confusion about the location if it was not mentioned. This could mean that it was necessary to mention a location if there were more possibilities for one god to sacrifice. Zeus Kataibates, for example, receives two sacrifices and in both cases a location is mentioned. 286 However, the name of the location is different. If the locations were not specified, it would not be clear at which altar the sacrifice needed to be performed. Another example to illustrate this use of locations are the sacrifices for Dionysos.287 The god receives one sacrifice with and one sacrifice without a specified location. As mentioned in chapter 3 there was a cult for Dionysos in Thorikos. It would make sense that the sacrifices for the god were performed at the altar in the theatre. However, the god also receives a sacrifice with a specified location. This would only make sense if this sacrifice for the god did not have to be performed in the local theatre, but needed to be carried out at another altar of Dionysos Whitehead (1986b), p Lupu (2005), p Euthynoi are also known on the level of the city, but in this case it seems clear that these euthynoi are deme-officials. SEG , lines 10 and 25. SEG , lines 33 and

72 Another reason to mention a location could be that it was necessary to name the location, because the cult-place was outside the deme and would otherwise be unknown to the people. This can also be seen by the use of the prepositions before some of the locations. The use of the wor ds 'επί' and 'εἰς' with an accusative both refer to the sending of a the sacrifice to another location. An example is the sacrifice for Poseidon to Sounion. 288 In the cases of the use of the prepositions 'ἐν' and 'ἐπί' with a dative this is more difficult to argue that the location was outside Thorikos and these prepositions maybe implied that the location was close to the deme. Therefore, we can conclude that if a location was mentioned in the calendar, the sacrifice needed to be sent to another location outside the deme (like the sacrifice for Poseidon to Sounion) or the mentioning of the location was necessary to clarify at which cult-place the sacrifice needed to be performed (in the case of the different locations of Zeus Kataibates). When there was no location mentioned in the calendar to sent a sacrifice the cult-place for the god or hero was probably located on a known location inside the deme (like for Thorikos and Dionysos) or the sacrifice did not needed to be specified because the location was too obvious (like the sacrifice for Artemis Mounichia at Mounichia). Local cults As seen in the previous chapters, the archaeological record of Thorikos presents us with information about different cults in the town of Thorikos. The sacrificial calendar adds much information to this evidence. I will first discuss the locations of the cults we know from the archaeological evidence and after that I will focus on the other cults that were possibly located in or near Thorikos, but still need to be found. The Cults known from the Archaeological Evidence As seen in chapter 3 a cult for Dionysos is attested in Thorikos at the stone theatre. Dionysos receives three sacrifices, of which two are connected to a festival for the god. Both festivals, the Dionysia and the Anthesteria were celebrated in the city of Athens, and in Thorikos a local version of these festivals were celebrated. The theatrical performances of the Rural Dionysia likely took place in the stone theatre in Thorikos. The Choes could have been celebrated in the theatre of Thorikos as well, since the close vicinity of the necropolis maybe also strengthened the value of this festival of the dead. Although the exact location of an altar for Demeter in Thorikos is unknown, the connection 288 SEG , line

73 of the goddess with Thorikos in mythology and the archaeological evidence of the horos-inscription near the doric building point towards a local cult for the goddess in Thorikos. In the calendar Demeter receives three sacrifices during agricultural festivals and these festivals were probably celebrated locally, because of their local character.289 The fourth sacrifice for Demeter is not connected to a festival.290 Since there is no location mentioned for the sacrifice we can assume that this sacrifice was performed in Thorikos as well. A cult for Hygieia and Asklepios in Thorikos is uncertain from the archaeological evidence. The healing-gods are also not mentioned in the calendar to receive sacrifices, which makes the interpretation of such a cult in Thorikos difficult. However, there are not yet any proper alternatives for the name on the dedication. The other far-fetched and uncertain possibility would be to reconstruct the name of Antheia, a goddess of vegetation, on the dedication instead of Hygieia, and in the calendar read her name instead of the Antheia-festival (line 44). However, in that case the syntax would not fit the context.291 As mentioned in chapter 3, another explanation of the absence of the healing-gods in the calendar could be that the sacrificial calendar was erected before the cult of Hygieia and Asklepios was established in Thorikos. The cults at the Mycenaean tombs in Thorikos were still in practice when the sacrificial calendar was inscribed. Therefore, it is likely that the recipients of these cults were also mentioned in the sacrificial calendar. Boehringer has argued that in tomb I and V the hero Hyperpedios could have been worshipped.292 He argues that the meaning of the name Hyperpedios ('above/beyond the plain') would refer to a location above the town of Thorikos: the hill-peak of the Velatouri. However, as argued before in chapter 2 the cultic remains of the cult in tomb I rather indicate that there was a female worshipped in this tomb, which would exclude Hyperpedios. It is tempting to speculate a bit further about the recipient of this cult in tomb I with the use of the calendar. The possible independent heroines mentioned in this calendar are: Aglauros, Prokris, Helen, Alkmene and Philonis. The graves in Thorikos probably did not belong to Aglauros, Helen and Alkmene, because they were closer related to other locations in Attica and their tombs could be found there. The possibilities of a grave for Philonis or Prokris in Thorikos would be more reasonable. If Daux' interpretation of line 56 is correct, which is still the most likely interpretation, the heroine Prokris would have been the only heroine in this calendar who receives two sacrifices, The Chloia was for example also celebrated in Eleusis in the month Anthesterion and a sacrifice for Demeter Chloe is also mentioned in the calendar of the Marathonian Tetrapolis. SEG , lines Larson (2007), p. 72. As mentioned before, this sacrifice was performed in the month of the Eleusinian Mysteries and a connection between the two is possible. The names of the recipients in the calendar are presented in the dative. If we read the goddess Antheia in this line, her name would be in the accusative. Boehringer (2001), p

74 and also the most expensive sacrifice of all heroines. In mythology she was an inhabitant of Thorikos and it would be likely that her grave was thought to be found at her home. Pherekydes mentions that her father Erechtheus buried his daughter in a rich grave, but he mentions no location of the grave.293 This rich grave could possibly be connected to the Mycenaean tomb I in Thorikos. The archaeological evidence for a cult in tomb V seems to indicate that in this tomb a heroic couple was worshipped. With the use of the sacrificial calendar there are four possibilities of heroic couples. These possibilities are Kephalos and Prokris, Thorikos and his heroines, Hyperpedios and his heroines, and Pylochos and his heroines. Kephalos and Prokris, and Thorikos and his heroines are the most likely local mythological figures whose graves could have been located in Thorikos. However, Hyperpedios and Pylochos were probably local heroes as well, since we do not know these heroes from other sources. Their graves could thus also have been located at Thorikos. The last cult of which we have archaeological evidence in Thorikos is a possible cult for Athena on the acropolis of Thorikos. As mentioned before in chapter 2 there is a small female votive figure found that could indicate a sanctuary for Athena. This would also possibly explain where the local Plynteria took place in Thorikos in honour of Athena. Hopefully future excavations will find out more about this possible cult of Athena in Thorikos. If there was indeed a local cult for the goddess in Thorikos this would also be a strong indication of the close connection of the deme to the most important cult of the city of Athens. There is no other archaeological evidence for more local cults in the town of Thorikos itself. However, as mentioned before, there is still a large area to be excavated in Thorikos and it is possible that there will be more religious locations found in the next excavations. Besides, if this calendar was indeed incorporating the entire deme of Thorikos, it is likely that there were also some altars located outside the town itself. Not-found Local Cults It is likely that a cult and altar for Apollo were established in Thorikos, although there is not yet any archaeological evidence to support this. Apollo was a popular god in the Greek world and a local sanctuary for the god in Thorikos would fit this pattern. The Pyanopsia mentioned in the calendar was probably a local festival for Apollo and, therefore, a local altar for the god in the town seems likely. Although a sacrifice for Pythian Apollo was probably sent to a location outside the deme (line 41), there are three occasions in the calendar in which Apollo receives a sacrifice and no specific location is mentioned. Therefore, it is possible that these three sacrifices were performed at an altar in Thorikos. Besides, the oath of the euthynos is also mentioned to be inscribed on a stele 293 Pherec. Th

75 and located beside the Delphinion, which refers to a sanctuary for Apollo Delphinios. 294 Placing such an oath outside the town would not make sense, and therefore the location of the Delphinion inside the town of Thorikos seems likely. Artemis receives a sacrifices as Artemis Mounichia, probably in Mounichia itself, but in the same month also receives a second sacrifice in connection with her brother Apollo and mother Leto. No location is mentioned for these sacrifices and it is possible that they were performed altogether at one altar. It could be that these sacrifices were performed at the Delphinion for Apollo. Hera receives a sacrifice during the Hieros Gamos. This festival had a local character as a festivity of the household and was probably also locally celebrated. 295 The location of this sacrifice for Hera in Thorikos is unclear and it is possible that, as with Zeus Herkeios, sacrifices were performed in the local households.296 A local altar for Zeus Herkeios can also be found in Thorikos. As Hera at the Hieros Gamos, Zeus as a protector of the households seems to be a god that was worshipped locally and could have been worshipped by the household. However, what location was used for the sacrifice in the month Boedromion on behalf of the deme is unknown and it could be that there was a local altar for the god. As argued by Dunst and Parkert, Zeus Herkeios could also have been connected to the cult of Demeter and in that case it is possible that his sacrifice on behalf of the deme was performed at her altar. Zeus also receives a sacrifice without specified location in the month Elaphebolion. This sacrifice could also have been performed at a local altar. The sacrifice for Kourotrophos was possibly performed before sacrificing to other gods. In this calendar she is mentioned before Demeter, Athena, and Leto, Artemis and Apollo. These gods probably all had their own altar in Thorikos and the sacrifice for Kourotrophos could have been performed at the altars of these gods. All heroes in the calendar are mentioned without a location and it is possible that these heroes all had a shrine in Thorikos or that sacrifices were performed at the graves of the heroes. Pausanias mentions that the grave of Nisos was located in Athens, near the Lyceum. 297 It is possible that the sacrifice for Nisos mentioned in this calendar was sent to his grave in Athens. However, Labarbe and Parker have argued that Nisos also had a local significance for Thorikos, because he was related to the descendants of Kephalos, who founded the Pythian sanctuary in Daphni. 298 This relationship is a bit far-fetched, but the lack of location in the calendar could also indicate that there SEG , lines In the sacrificial calendar of Erchia the sacrifice for the Hieros Gamos was specified to be performed in Erchia itself. SEG , line 37. Parker (1987), p Lupu (2005), p Paus Labarbe (1977), p. 63 fn. 30. Parker (1987), p

76 was a local shrine for Nisos in Thorikos. Another possibility is that this sacrifice did not need a mentioned location, because it seems logical that the sacrifice would be sent to the grave of Nisos in Athens. Alkmene and the Herakleidai were probably worshipped together in a local cult in Thorikos, because of their joint mentioning in the calendar. Whitehead has argued that the cult of the Herakleidai was widespread in Attica.299 Therefore, it is possible that this cult was also represented in Thorikos. Pausanias speaks of a major cult for the Dioskouroi in the deme Kephale, which was located approximately twenty kilometres north of Thorikos, near modern-day Keratea.300 There were many cults for the Dioskouroi in Attica, whereas not many Attic cults were founded for their sister Helen.301 If the Dioskouroi were indeed popular in southern Attica, it is also possible that there was an altar for the Dioskouroi in Thorikos. Another possibility could be that the sacrifice for the Dioskouroi was sent to an important sanctuary in the deme Kephale, which was well-known to the people of Thorikos. Helen's relationship to Thorikos is known from the story on the island Helen, facing Thorikos. Although her cult was not as large as the cult of her brothers, this tale could have encouraged her worship with her brothers in Thorikos. It is likely that the cults for Kephalos, Prokris, Thorikos and Philonis were all local cults that were located in Thorikos and still need to be found. The cults for the unknown heroes Neanias, Hyperpedios, Thras-, Sosineos, Rhogios and Pylochos could possibly also have been local cults, since we do not know them from other mythological stories. Sending Sacrifices The sacrifice for Poseidon to Sounion is our main example of the use of the word 'ἐπὶ' as an indication for the performance of a sacrifice outside the deme of Thorikos. Poseidon was an important deity for the coastal demes of Attica, and a sacrifice from the people of Thorikos to Poseidon in Sounion connects these coastal demes of southern Attica in cult. Zeus Polieus receives two sacrifices with the addition of 'ΕΠΑΥΤΟΜΕΝΑΣ', which is probably a reference to a location with the use of the word 'ἐπὶ'.302 Similar place-indications are Whitehead (1986b), p Paus Whitehead (1986b), p Parker (1987), p Kearns (1989), p Almost all known cults for Helen were located outside Attica. The most important cult was a joint cult with Menelaos in Sparta. There are three interpretations for this word. The first interpretation is presented by Daux. He explains that the word should be read as 'ἐπαυτομένας', referring to an acclamation of women for Zeus. Daux (1983), p. 154 and 156. Since there are no parallels for the use of this kind of word in the other sacrificial calendars, other scholars have argued that we should read a location here, namely 'ἐπ Αὐτομένας'. Parker (1987), p. 145, Ekroth (2002), p

77 mentioned in the calendar, like 'ἐπὶ Σούνιον' in line 19 and 'ἐπὶ Μυκηνον' in line 45. Automenas has not yet been located, but the addition of 'ἐπὶ' seems to indicate that the sacrifice was performed at a location outside the deme or at an otherwise unknown location. It is possible that, as in Erchia, the sacrifice for Zeus Polieus was performed at the Acropolis of Athens.303 Through this sacrifice the bond was strengthened between the deme and the city. The addition of a location seems to imply that this sacrifice was not performed on the acropolis of Thorikos itself, since this would be too obvious for the citizens of Thorikos to mention.304 The sacrifice for Zeus Meilichios is a clear example of the influence of the polis on local religion. The Diasia for Zeus Meilichios was hold in Agrai on 23 Anthesterion. 305 Thucydides also mentions that the Diasia was celebrated centrally and not locally in the demes. 306 The sacrificial calendar of Erchia mentions in the month Anthesterion that at the Diasia a sheep needs to be sacrificed at Agrai for Zeus Meilichios.307 It is likely that the citizens of Thorikos also participated in this festival for the entire polis and sent their sacrifice for the festival of the Diasia to Agrai. Although there is no location for this sacrifice mentioned in the calendar, the naming of the Diasia was possibly clear enough for the citizens of the deme to know that this sacrifice was sent to Agrai. Another example of the influence of the polis-cults on religion in the deme is presented by the sacrifice for Artemis Mounichia. It is unclear what role the demes played in the cult of Artemis Mounichia, but it is possible that it was similar as their role in the celebration of the Diasia. The demes could have sent a sacrifice in honour of the goddess to Mounichia to strengthen their connection to the polis-cult. The use of the word 'ἐς' for the sacrifice sent to the Pythion of Apollo seems to indicate that this sacrifice was indeed sent to a sanctuary outside the deme of Thorikos.308 Jules Labarbe has argued that the sanctuary of Pythian Apollo refers to the sanctuary of Apollo in Daphni, because of Lupu (2005), p To explain Automenas as a location, however, presents us with a poor word-order. The sentence would begin with two sacrifices, then the location, and after this a third sacrifice. A third interpretation is thus presented by Scullion. He reads 'ἐπ αὐτõ μένας', which means 'remaining on the same spot', and refers to a ritual procedure of this sacrifice. There are, however, no parallels of such a specification of ritual procedure in this calendar. Scullion (1998), p Therefore, all three interpretations seems plausible, although in the context of the calendar the explanation of the word as a location seems preferable. In the sacrificial calendar of Erchia a sacrifice is sent to the Acropolis of Athens in honour of Zeus Polieus. SEG , lines Whitehead (1986b), p Lupu (2005), p In another month mentioned in the calendar of Erchia a sacrifice for Zeus Polieus is performed on the acropolis of Erchia. SEG , lines Mikalson (1977), p Lupu (2005), p Thuc However, Scullion argues that during the Diasia the demes sent a sacrifice to Agrai, but also could have performed a sacrifice for Zeus Meilichios in the deme itself. Scullion (2007), p SEG , lines Parker argues that we should not underestimate the quantity of local shrines, which was possibly larger than we would expect. Therefore, he suggests that there was a Delphinion as well as a Pythion in Thorikos itself. However, he does not focus on the use of the different preposition for the locations in the calendar. Parker (1987), p

78 the connection between this sanctuary and the descendants of Kephalos.309 The preposition only indicates that this sacrifice was sent, but towards which sanctuary is unclear. Another possibility could be Apollo's sanctuary in Delphi, since this sanctuary was important for Athens and thus also for Thorikos. The sacrifice for Dionysos in Mounichion is specified with the addition of the word 'ΕΠΙΜΥΚΗΝΟΝ'. Daux argues that this word refers to a location called Mykenos or Mykenon. 310 Because there is a cult for Dionysos in Thorikos this is a clear example of an addition of a location to avoid confusion. With the use of the word 'ἐπὶ' this word probably refers to a location outside Thorikos. This location could refer to the Peloponnesian city of Mycenae, but this would not fit the Greek word.311 More likely is that this word refers to an unknown location that still needs to be found. Unknown Locations Zeus Kataibates receives two sacrifices and both are referring to different locations. The first sacrifice is in the sacred enclosure besides the Delphinion and the second sacrifice is in the land of the Philomelidai. It is possible that both altars for Zeus Kataibates were located outside the deme and therefore needed a specification of place. However, the use of prepositions does not directly refer to a place far away. In both cases the word ' ἐν' is used to indicate the location, which could not directly mean that the sacrifice was sent to a location outside the deme. The Delphinion was probably located in Thorikos itself, and this would mean that the sacrifice for Zeus Kataibates in the sacred enclosure of this Delphinion was performed inside the deme. The second time Zeus Kataibates is mentioned is in the month Pyanopsion and he receives a sacrifice in the land of the Philomelidai. Lupu suggests that this location refers to the sacred enclosure beside the Delphinion as well.312 However, another possibility could be that this location refers to a second altar in (the vicinity of) Thorikos. It is unclear who the Philomelidai were and where this land was, but is possible that it was a family living near or in Thorikos. 313 In that case the Labarbe (1977), p. 62 Daux (1983), p Lupu (2005), p The word also occurs on the right side of the calendar. A second explanation of the word is presented by Dunst, who argues that the word 'Ἐπιμύκηνος' is an epithet to Dionysos, meaning a bull-like Dionysos. There is, however, no such epithet known from other sources. Dunst (1977), p The only other reference to Mycenae would be through the sacrifice to Alkmene in line 37. Another possibility would be the island of Mykonos, next to Delos, where there was also an important cult for Dionysos. See also the cult-calendar of Mykonos: Sokolowski (1969), p , nr. 96, lines 24 and 27. Mykonos was a member of the Delian League, but we do not know of any relationship between this island and Thorikos. Lupu (2005), p The word 'Philomelidai' is not fully preserved, but this reconstruction seems preferable to fit here. Ekroth (2002), p Lupu (2005), p There is also a lease of a mine in Thorikos that was the property of the Philomelidai. Daux (1983), p See for the lease of the mine: Crosby (1950), p The lease was found on 77

79 altar for Zeus Kataibates could also have been located in Thorikos.314 It is unclear if the location 'ἐφ ἁλῆι' referred to the erased sacrifice for Athena or to the sacrifice for Poseidon.315 The colon seems to point out that this is a supplement to the sacrifice for Athena, but in that case it is unclear why this location of the Salt-Works was not erased. 316 In the other case this would mean that the location was mentioned before the sacrifice of Poseidon itself. However, this would be a strange word order. In the decree of the Salaminioi the location of the Salt-Works is also mentioned and Ferguson has suggested that the Salt-Works could have been located at modern-day Halyke, north of Sounion.317 It is possible that in the sacrificial calendar of Thorikos this place is referred to in order to sent a sacrifice to an altar of Athena or Poseidon at these Salt-Works. The sacrifice for Hekate in the month Hekatombaion lacks context, because the lines are severely damaged. Only the name of the goddess has been preserved and it is not clear if there was a place-indication present with the sacrifice. It is possible that she had a joint cult in Thorikos with Demeter, through her relation to the goddess in the Homeric Hymn. However, without a proper context we cannot say more about the location of this cult in Thorikos different locations in the town of Thorikos. Labarbe (1977), p. 40, fn 13. Parker (1987), p Lupu (2005), p Parker and Lupu suggested that the colon could have been inconsistently placed by the inscriber of the calendar, and in that case the location would have referred to the sacrifice for Poseidon. Parker (1987), p Lupu (2005), p. 128, fn. 51. Ferguson (1938), p In the decree of the Salaminoi a hero at the Salt-Works is mentioned to receive a sacrifice. It is possible that the same location is referred to in both documents. Ferguson, however, also points out that it is likely that there were more locations that were called Salt-Works, like the use of the Greek word in the names of Halai Aixonides, Halai Araphenides, and Halai in Lokris. 78

80 Conclusion The sacrificial calendar presents us with much information about cultic life in Thorikos. However, this information also shows how little archaeological evidence we have for these cults in this town. Some of these cults are probably to be found outside the deme, while other cults still need to be found in the deme or the town itself. The amount of sacrifices mentioned in this calendar shows that in a year much time and money of the deme was spent on communal cult-life. Not only local cults influenced the people of Thorikos, but also the polis played an important role in shaping cult-identity of the people of this town. The calendar shows that some city-festivals were locally celebrated in Thorikos. These local festivals are the Rural Dionysia, the Proerosia, the Anthesteria, the Hieros Gamos, the Chloia, the Antheia, and the Plynteria. Less likely, but also possible, was a local celebration of the Pyanopsia and the Diasia in Thorikos. All these festivals were incorporated in the lives of the citizens of the deme, and shaped the communal religious life in this town. Religious identity of the people of Thorikos were thus defined on different levels, from local cults to polis cults, and these cults together shaped a communal identity for the people of this deme. 79

81 5. Conclusion This thesis examined the religious cults in the Attic deme of Thorikos from the eighth till the fourth century BC. The main question concerned the way (local) religion was used to shape a distinct identity through cults, rituals and mythology. The participation in religious cults created a shared identity for the members of the cult on different levels. The example of Thorikos demonstrates the importance of religious cults for defining a shared identity amongst the inhabitants of a local Attic town. To answer the main question of this thesis I focussed on three different sub-questions. The first question was concerned with the size of the cult-group and the geographical influence of the cults. Participation in cults created a shared identity for the cult-members. Therefore, to answer the main question it was necessary to gain an idea about who participated in the cults of Thorikos and to show how far the influence of the cults of Thorikos reached. The oldest cults of Thorikos, the cults of the dead, were founded in the eighth century BC. The study of similar cults in Anavyssos and Lathouriza showed that these cults of the dead were founded for ancestral worship by local families. After the collapse of the Mycenaean palatial world, local cults were erected in Attica by local families to strengthen the connection with the land and the past. 318 Similar examples are visible in Thorikos in the cults of the recently deceased at the Geometric houses and in the herocults at the Mycenaean tombs. Whereas the cults in the Geometric houses came to an end in the seventh century, the cults at the Mycenaean tombs remained in practice up to the fourth century BC.319 It is possible that the cult-practices of this family were eventually incorporated by the deme. The archaeological material shows that the cult-practices at the Mycenaean tombs intensified from the Classical period onwards, which could indeed indicate a larger group of cult-participants. Besides, in both tombs similar archaeological material was found from the establishment of the cult until the fourth century, possibly indicating that the recipient received similar gifts throughout the existence of the cult. The geographical influence of the cults of Thorikos is visible in the sacrificial calendar of Thorikos. The calendar dates to the late fifth century BC and shows which gods and heroes received sacrifices on behalf of the people of Thorikos. The study into the locations of the cults mentioned in the calendar, shows that the cults were probably located inside, as well as outside the deme Farnell (1920), p Mazarakis Ainian (1997), p Mazarakis Ainian (1999), p. 18. Ekroth (2007), p Felton (2007), p. 88. Whitley and Antonnacio argue that the hero-cults disappeared after the seventh century BC and were only in practice for a short time. Whitley (1994), p Antonaccio (1995), p However, Thorikos is an exception in this case, because these hero-cults were in practice far into the fourth century BC. 80

82 Moreover, the people of Thorikos participated in some cults and festivals of the polis. Not all cults in Thorikos were thus defined by the borders of the deme. The cults were possibly exceeding these borders, since the cult-practices were already embedded in the identity of the participants of the cults. This did not change by the establishment of a new defined political border. In Thorikos it is thus clear that the cults functioned on the levels of the family, deme and polis, as was also argued by Catherine Morgan and Jon D. Mikalson. 320 The festival of the Diasia is a fine example of participation on the level of the polis in Thorikos. On the level of the deme many cults were established, like the cult for Dionysos and the cult for the hero Thorikos. On the level of the family, the cults of the dead are a fine example. Moreover, the evidence of the cults at the Mycenaean tombs shows that over time the influence of the cult could change as well, in this case from a family-cult to a cult of the deme. The second sub-question was concerned with the rituals performed in the cults, and especially with the possible similarities or differences between cult-rituals. Through the study of the archaeological material and written sources, we can conclude that there are two specific focusses that stand out when comparing the cults of Thorikos. First, the material shows an emphasis on the importance of the ancestors and the past in the cultic rituals. In antiquity festive rituals were performed in celebration of the dead and the role of ancestors in ancient life was important. 321 In Thorikos this emphasis on the dead and ancestors is highlighted by the visibility of the dead in the town. The location of the theatre-necropolis and the stone terrace for grave-stelai are clear examples of this visibility. Moreover, different cults in Thorikos focussed on the dead and ancestors. In the eighth century the cults for the recently deceased and the cults for heroes were founded. In the middle of the fifth century BC the cult of Dionysos, a god closely related to death, was established in the close proximity of the theatre-necropolis. The celebration of the Anthesteria in Thorikos in honour of the god is an indication that the ancestors of the people of Thorikos and the god were closely connected. These examples highlight the relationship between the people of Thorikos and their past through the emphasis on the dead. Since Thorikos was one of the oldest towns of Attica, it is possible that the people of Thorikos were emphasizing their importance in the past by focussing on their ancestors in cultic rituals. Second, the material also shows an emphasis on local cults in Thorikos. This emphasis on locality is best visible in the sacrificial calendar of Thorikos. In the calendar many locations of sacrifices are not specified. The cults in the calendar without a specified location were probably locations in the deme itself, well known to the inhabitants of Thorikos. The amount of locations for Morgan (2003), p Mikalson (2010), p Farnell (1920), p Mazarakis Ainian (1997), p Felton (2007), p

83 sacrifices without a location by far exceeds the sacrifices that were mentioned with a location. This is a possible indication of the high amount of local cults mentioned in the calendar. The high number of local heroes that received sacrifices on behalf of the deme is also an indication of the emphasis on locality in Thorikos. Boehringer has already pointed out the important role heroes and heroines played in the Attic deme-calendars.322 Many heroes that are mentioned in the calendar are unknown from other sources and are probably local heroes. Moreover, the heroes Thorikos and Kephalos, who were closely connected to the town itself, received the most expensive sacrifices mentioned in the calendar. Thorikos, as the eponymous hero of the deme, and Kephalos, an important inhabitant of the town in mythology, are thus both an example of the importance local cults in Thorikos. Another example of this strong emphasis on locality is visible in the many local festivals celebrated in Thorikos, like the Rural Dionysia and the Anthesteria for Dionysos, and the Proerosia, Chloia and Antheia for Demeter. Through these local festivals, Thorikos played an important role as local religious centre for the surrounding region. Although there is a strong emphasis on locality, there is also evidence that the deme was closely incorporated in the polis through sacrifices and festivals. As argued by Christiane Sourvinou-Inwood, the polis played an important role in shaping a religious identity on the level of the deme.323 As mentioned before, the participation of the demes in the festival of the Diasia is an example of the influence of the polis on local religion. The demes were connected to the other demes and the polis as a whole through a shared ritual in honour of Zeus Meilichios. The third sub-question of this thesis was about the interconnectivity between the religious cults and historical events. The changes in cult-practices in the Geometric period already showed that cults were influenced by historical changes. In this period local leaders incorporated the cults of the dead to legitimize their power and establishing a connection with the land. In Thorikos this could have been the case with the cults of ancestors at the Geometric houses. In these cults the dining-rituals for the recently deceased were possibly performed to strengthen the bond with the ancestors and the past. In the late sixth and fifth century BC new cults emerged with a different character than the cults of the dead. It is possible that the changes in the political landscape towards the Kleisthenic demes were connected to the change from family-cults towards deme-cults. These deme-cults were founded for a far larger cult-group than the family-cults of the Geometric and early-archaic period. The cults for Dionysos and Demeter in Thorikos are an example of these newly established cults. Moreover, a transition in this period to communal cults is visible in the Boehringer (2001), p. 78. However, not all the calendars he describes are ascribed to the deme. The only other calendar of a deme is the one of Erchia. In this calendar as well there is a large number of heroes visible. Sourvinou-Inwood (1990), p

84 cults at the Mycenaean tombs, which were incorporated in the cults of the deme after the Kleisthenic reforms. The cults in Thorikos were thus probably influenced by the world outside the deme, although it remains established that there was a strong emphasis on locality visible in the cults of Thorikos itself. In conclusion, this thesis showed how various religious cults in the local Attic town of Thorikos functioned and shaped the identity of the citizens participating in the religious cults. Through the influence of, for example, historical changes in the political landscape of Attica, the cults in this ancient town expanded in size and became more communal. However, a strong emphasis on locality and the past remained visible in different cult-practices. Cults and the shaping of a shared identity were thus closely connected in Thorikos and mutual influences defined the different cult-groups of Thorikos on different levels from the eighth till the fourth century BC. 83

85 Appendix I: Sacrificial Calendar Text and Translation (Text and Translation: Lupu (2005), p ) 1. [ 19.Ἑk]α τομβαιῶν [...] In Hekatombaion: 2. [ος 19.]ακι καὶ τοῖ- [...] for? [...] and for? 3. [ς.19...ἄ]ριστομ παρέ- [...] (shall) provide a lunch 4. [χεν 14..δρα]χμὴν ἑκατερ - [...] a drachma each 5. [ο 19.]αι τὴν πρηρο[σ]- [...] the Proerosia 6. [ίαν 14..Δελ]φίνιον αἶγ[α] [...] at(?) the Delphinion a goat 7. [ 20..]εαι Ἑχάτηι [.] [...] for Hekate 8. [ 22.]HNOSATH[.] [...] 9. [ 18...]τέλεọμ πρατόν. [...] a full-grown victim, to be sold. 10. [Μεταγειτνιῶνος, Διὶ Κατ]αιβάτη ι ἐ ν τ - [...] In Metageitnion: for Zeus Kataibates in the 11. ῶι σηκῶι π [αρ]ὰ τὸ [Δελφίνι]ον τέλεον πρ- sacred enclosure at the Delphinion a full-grown victim, 12. ατόν ὁρκωμόσιον π α [ρέ]χεν ἐς εὐθύνας. to be sold. An oath-victim shall be provided for the euthynos. 13. Βοηδρομιῶνος, Πρηρόσια : Διὶ Πολιεῖ κρ14. ιτὸν οἶν : χοῖρον κριτόν, ΕΠΑΥΤΟΜΕΝΑΣ In Boedromion: the Proerosia : for Zeus Polieus a choise 324 sheep : a choice piglet at/to Automenai(?) 15. χοῖρον ὠνητὸν ὁλόκαυτον, τῶι ἀκολου- a bought piglet to be wholly burnt, the priest shall 16. θοντι ἄριστομ παρέχεν τὸν ἱερέα : Κεφ- provide a lunch for the attendant. For Kephalos 17. άλωι οἶν κριτόν : Πρόκριδι τράπεζαν (vacat.) a choice sheep, for Prokris a table. 18. Θορίκωι κριτὸν οἶν : Ἡρωΐνησι Θορίκο For Thorikos a choice sheep, for the heroines of Thorikos 19. τράπεζαν : ἐπὶ Σούνιον Ποσειδῶνι ἀμν- a table. To Sounion for Poseidon a choice lamb. 20. ὸν κριτόν : Ἀπόλλωνι χίμαρον κριτόν, Κ- For Apollo a choice young he-goat. 21. οροτρόφωι χοῖρον κριτήν : Δήμητρι τέλ[εο]- For Kourotrophos a choice female piglet. For Demeter a full-grown victim. 22. [ν], Διὶ Ἑρκείωι τέλεον, Κοροτρόφωι χοῖρ[ον], For Zeus Herkeios a full-grown victim, for Kourotrophos a piglet. 23. [[Ἀθηναίαι οἶν πρατὸν]] ἐφ ἁλῆι : Ποσ[ειδῶνι] For Athena a sheep to be sold at the Salt-Works : For 24. τέλεον, Ἀπόλλωνι χοῖρον. (vacat.) Poseidon a full-grown victim. For Apollo a piglet. 25. Πυανοψιῶνος, Διὶ Καταιβάτηι ἐμ [Φιλομ]- In Pyanopsion: for Zeus Kataibates in the land of the 26. η[λ]ιδῶν τέλεον πρατόν, ἕκτηι ἐ[πὶ δέκα] Philomelidai(?) a full-grown victim to be sold. On the 16th 324 Daux reads this word as Ἐπαυτομένας: an acclamation of women, as a ritual addition to the sacrifice. Daux (1983), p Scullion has proposed 'ἐπ αὐτõ μένας', which means 'remaining on the same spot'. This could also be a reference to a specification of the ritual procedure with this sacrifice. Scullion (1998), p However, most likely is the reading of the word as a location: Ἐπ Αὐτομένας. Parker (1987), p. 145, Ekroth (2002), p. 344, and Lupu (2005), p

86 27. Νεανίαι τέλεον, Πυανοψίοις, Π[ 6 ]. for Neanias a full-grown victim. At the Pyanopsia [ ]. 28. Μαιμακτηριῶνος, Θορίκωι βοῦ[ν μἤλατ]- In Maimakterion: for Thorikos a bovine worth not less 29. τον ἢ τετταράκοντα δραχμῶν [μέχρι πε]- than 40 up to 50 drachmas. 30. ντήκοντα, Ἡρωΐνησι Θορίκο τ[ράπεζαν]. For the heroines of Thorikos a table. 31. Ποσιδειῶνος, Διονύσια. (vacat.) In Posideion: the Dionysia. 32. Γαμηλιῶνος, Ἥραι, Ἱερῶι Γάμωι [ 7.]. In Gamelion: for Hera, at the Hieros Gamos [ ]. 33. Ἀνθεστηριῶνος, Διονύσωι, δω[δεκάτηι], In Anthesterion: for Dionysos, on the twelfth 34. αἶγα λειπεγνώμονα πυρρὸν ἢ [μέλανα Δ]- a tawny [or black] goat, lacking its age-marking teeth. 35. ιασίοις, Διὶ Μιλιχίωι οἶν πρα[τόν. (vacat.)] At the Diasia, for Zeus Meilichios a sheep, to be sold. 36. Ἐλαφηβολιῶνος, Ἡρακλείδα[ις τέλεον], In Elaphebolion: for the Herakleidai a full-grown victim. 37. Ἀλκμήνηι τέλεον, Ἀνάκοιν τ[έλεον, Ἑλέ]- For Alkmene a full-grown victim. For the Anakes a fullgrown victim. For Helen 38. νηι τέλεον Δήμητρι, τὴν χλο[ΐαν, οἶν κρ]- a full-grown victim. For Demeter, as the Chloia-sacrifice 39. ιτὴν κυõσαν, Δὶ ἄρνα κριτόν. (vacat.) a choice pregnant [ewe]. For Zeus a choice lamb. 40. Μονυχιῶνος,, Ἀρτέμιδι Μονυχ[ίαι τέλε]- In Mounichion: for Artemis Mounichia a full-grown 41. εον, ἐς Πυθίο Ἀπόλλωνος τρίτ[τοαν, Κορ]- victim. To the Pythion of Apollo a triple-offering. For 42. οτρόφωι χοῖρον, Λητοῖ αἶγα, Ἀ[ρτέμιδι] Kourotrophos a piglet. For Leto a goat. For Artemis a 43. αἶγα, Ἀπόλλωνι αἶγα λειπογνώ[μονα, Δή]- goat. For Apollo a goat lacking its age-marking teeth. 44. μητρι : οἶν κυõσαν ἄνθειαν, Φιλ[ωνίδι τρ]- For Demeter a pregnant ewe as the Antheia-sacrifice. For 45. άπεζαν, Διονύσωι, ΕΠΙΜΥΚΗΝΟΝ, [τράγον] Philonis a table. For Dionysos to Mykenos/Mykenon(?) 46. πυρρὸν ἢ μέλανα. (vacat.) a tawny or black [he goat]. 47. Θαργηλιῶνος, Διὶ ΕΠΑΥΤΟΜΕΝΑΣ [κριτὸν] In Thargelion: for Zeus at/to Automenai(?) a choice lamb. 48. ἄρνα, Ὑπερπεδίωι οἶν, Ἡρωΐνησι [ν Ὑπερ]- For Hyperpedios a sheep, for the heroines of Hyperpedios 49. πεδίο τράπεζαν, Νίσωι οἶν, Θρασ[ 5..] a table. For Nisos a sheep. For Thras[ ] a sheep. 50. οἶν, Σωσινέωι οἶν, Ῥογίωι οἶν, Πυ[λόξωι] For Sosineos a sheep. For Rhogios a sheep. For Pylochos 51. χοῖρον, Ἡρωΐνησι Πυλοχίσι τρά[πεζαν]. a piglet. For the heroines of Pylochos a table. 52. Σκιροφοριῶνος, ὁρκωμόσιον [π]αρ[έχεν Π]- In Skirophorion: an oath-victim shall be provided. At the 53. λυντηρίοις Ἀθηναίαι οἶν κρι[τόν, Ἀγλ]- Plynteria for Athena a choice sheep. For Aglauros 54. αύρωι οἶν, Ἀθηναίαι ἄρνα κριτ[όν, Κεφά]- a sheep. For Athena a choice lamb. For Kephalos 55. λωι βοῦν μἠλάττονος ἢ τεττα[ράκοντα] a bovine worth not less than 40 up to δραχμῶν μέκρι πεντήκοντα, Π[ 7.] drachmas. For Prokris(?) 85

87 57. οἶδδν325: τὸν δ εὔθυνον ὀμόσαι καὶ τ[ὸς παρέδ]- a sheep worth 20 drachmas(?). The euthynos and his 58. ρος εὐθυνῶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἣν ἔλαχ[ον εὐθύν]- assistants shall take an oath: 'I shall scrutinize the office 59. εν κατὰ τὰ ψηφίσματα ἐφ οἷς ἐ[γκαθέστ]- which was allotted to me for scrutiny in accordance with the decrees by which this office was instituted. 60. η κ εν ἡ ἀρχή, ὀμνύναι Δία, Ἀπολλ [ω, Δήμητρ]- He shall swear by Zeus, Apollo and Demeter, 61. α ἐξώλειαν ἐπαρώμενον, καὶ τ [ὸς παρέδ]- invoking utter destruction, and the assistants 62. ρος κατὰ ταὐτά, ἀναγρά{ι}ψαι [δὲ τὸν ὅρκ]- shall swear in the same way. The oath shall be inscribed 63. [ο]ν ἐστήληι καὶ καταθέναι π[αρὰ τὸ Δελφί]- on a stele and placed beside the Delphinion(?). 64. [ν]ιον, ὅσαι δ ἂν ἀρχαὶ αἱρεθῶ- (vacat.) All offices for which officials are elected 65. σιν ὑπευθύνος ἐναι ἁπάσα[ς]. (vacat.) shall be subjected to scrutiny. Left Side At the lines 31 and 32. -ωνι τέλεον Πυ ανοψίοις [For Apollo] a full-grown victim at the Pyanopsia. At the level of line 42. -ι Ἑρκείωι : οἶν For [Zeus] Herkeios a sheep. At the level of line 58. -ωΐνησιν Κορωνέων : οἶν For the heroines of Koroneis(?) a sheep. Right Side At the lines 4-6. ι Μυκηνο [ν ] [.]αν οἶν [.]ν[ ] ισο[ ] To Mykenos/Mykenon(?) [ ] a sheep [ ]. At the level of line 12. Φοίνικι τέλ[εον] For Phoenix(?) a full-grown victim. At the level of line 44. [Διὶ Ἑ]ρκείωι : οἶν For [Zeus] Herkeios a sheep. 325 Daux interpreted these two delta's as the price of the sheep. Daux (1983), p Parker and Van Straten, however, both argued that the price of twenty drachmas would be too much for a sheep. Parker (1987), p Van Straten (1987), p. 167 fn. 22. Lupu has proposes to see the two delta's as some kind of abbreviation for the specifications of the sacrifice. Lupu (2005), p

88 Appendix II: Sacrificial Calendar Table 87

89 88

90 89

91 90

92 91

93 92

94 93

95 94

96 95