Mirko Pak* GEOGRAFSKI ELEMENTI SOCIALNEGA V MESTNEM PROSTORU

Transcription

1 UDK : : Mirko Pak* GEOGRAFSKI ELEMENTI SOCIALNEGA V MESTNEM PROSTORU RAZLIKOVANJA Mesto je prostor najmočnejše koncentracije človekovih dejavnosti in kot tako je tudi prostor najhitrejših kvalitetnih in prostorskih sprememb. Ne samo, da na primer starejši mestni predeli hitro izgubljajo na kvaliteti stanovanjskega prostora, temveč marsikdaj že novogradnje različnih struktur močno zaostajajo za poprečnim standardom stanovanjske strukture in stanovanjskega okolja mesta. Podobno se dogaja ob gradnji različnih infrastrukturnih objektov. Značilen primer za to je Amsterdam, katerega so še leta 1935 načrtovali kot mesto kolesarjev in je deloma tudi zato danes avtomobilski promet v njegovem središču skoraj nerešljiv problem. Vrednost mestnega prostora je bila že v preteklosti močno heterogena, odvisna od prirodnih dejavnikov, položaja do mestnega središča, obstoječe srednjeveške zazidave in podobno. Ekonomski razvoj je vrednost nekaterih dejavnikov iz preteklosti še potenciral, druge pa je razvrednotil. Bivanje v mestnem središču in ob glavnih mestnih ulicah se je spremenilo iz ugodnosti v neugodnost zaradi onesnaženosti okolja, hrupa, težkega pristopa z avtomobilom in pomanjkanja zelenih površin. Večja oddaljenost od mestnega središča pa pridobiva na vrednosti. Tudi Burgess je pri svojem modelu razdelitve mesta na koncentrične kroge, postavil slum v mestno središče, oziroma poslovno središče mesta. 1 Ob tem pa je v večjih slovenskih mestih relativno težko omejiti predele enake vrednosti stanovanjskega prostora in okolja. Prvič zato, ker se strukturno različni predeli marsikje močno prepletajo in so homogena področja zelo majhna in drugič zato, ker je zunanja struktura v tesni korelaciji s strukturo prebivalcev. Eno ali drugo je nemogoče izločiti pri strukturnem vrednotenju mestnega prostora. Občutno večja homogenost posameznih predelov je v manjših mestih. Na osnovi naših dosedanjih raziskav tridesetih mestnih predelov, lahko naštejemo področja s slabšim stanovanjskim standardom in okoljem: 2 * Dr., doc., Oddelek za geogr. Fil. fak., Ljubljana, Aškerčeva 12, glej izvleček na koncu zbornika. 1 Ernest W. Burgess: The Growth of the City. An Introduction to a Research Project. Studies in Human Ecology, New York 1961, str Mirko Pak: Socijalno geografska diferenciacija u gradovima Slovenije. Geographica Slovenica 1, Jugoslovanski simpozij o urbani geografiji, Ljubljana 5 7. oktobra 1970, Ljubljana 1971, str

2 v središčih mest, skupine starejših večstanovanjskih hiš, ob industriji, v novih predmestjih priseljencev, na cenejšem zemljišču, nekateri predeli novih blokov, nekateri predeli predvojnih vil, predvojne delavske kolonije. Korelacija med zazidalno strukturo in poklicno strukturo nosilcev gospodinjskih listov, je izmed vseh 30 raziskanih mestnih predelov, izločila kar 18 ali 60 /o takšnih, ki po teh dveh pokazateljih izstopajo v negativnem smislu. To pomeni, da imajo prevelik delež starega prebivalstva ali preveč homogeno nizko socialno strukturo prebivalcev na eni strani in na drugi strani slabo stanovanjsko strukturo živijo v starih večstanovanjskih hišah, starih enodružinskih delavskih hišah in podobno. Glede na poklicno strukturo lahko predele razdelimo v tri skupine: z več kot 40 /o gospodinjstev upokojencev, s % gospodinjstev upokojencev, z nad 50 % gospodinjstev delavcev vseh vrst kvalifikacij in z večjim deležem gospodinjstev nižjih uslužbencev. Od skupno 18 predelov spadajo v prvo skupino 3 ali 10,0 /o, v drugo skupino 8 ali 26,7 /o in v tretjo skupino 7 ali 23,3 %. Analogno velikemu deležu gospodinjstev z nižjo socialno strukturo je v teh predelih nizek delež gospodinjstev uslužbencev s srednjo in visoko izobrazbeno strukturo. V področjih z nad 40 /o gospodinjstev upokojencev je popreček gospodinjstev uslužbencev na eno področje samo 4,5 %, v področjih s 30 do 40% gospodinjstev upokojencev znaša ta povpreček že 11,9% in v področjih z več kot 50 % delavskih gospodinjstev, znaša ta popreček 18,2%. V vseh ostalih 12 raziskanih predelih, ki ne sodijo v zgornje tri skupine, je poprečen delež gospodinjstev uslužbencev kar 42,8%. Pri drugem elementu, strukturi zazidave, smo izločili samo dve skupini. V prvo skupino spadajo predeli, kjer živi nad 80% gospodinjstev v starih večstanovanjskih hišah in še slabši stanovanjski strukturi; ter drugo skupino, kjer živi % gospodinjstev v takšnih hišah. V prvo skupino spada 11 ali 36,7% vseh raziskanih predelov, v drugo skupino pa 7 ali 23,3 %. Predelov, ki sodijo istočasno po poklicni strukturi gospodinjstev in po strukturi zazidave v zgoraj navedene skupine je 12, med temi so vsi trije predeli z nad 40 % gospodinjstev upokojencev, 5 predelov od skupno 8 iz skupine z deležem 30 40'% gospodinjstev upokojencev in iz skupine nad 50 % gospodinjstev delavcev 3 od skupno 7. Ostali 6 predeli, kjer povezave v okviru zgoraj navedenih meril ni, pa so izključno robni predeli starih mestnih središč, kjer sta ugodna stanovanjska in populacijska struktura v preteklosti obdržali relativno ugodno socialno strukturo prebivalstva do danes. Hkrati so to predeli stanovanjske strukture, ki dopušča adaptacijo in modernizacijo. Posebna raziskava šestih socialno deformiranih predelov v Ljubljani, Mariboru, Celju, na Jesenicah in v Kopru, je potrdila izhodišča, Mirko Pak, Gojmir Bervar: Geografski učinki socialne deformacije v nekaterih predelih slovenskih mest. Geografski vestnik XLIII 1971, Ljubljana 1972, str

3 ki so nas vodila pri njihovi izbiri.' To so področja najstarejše zazidave v mestnih središčih s prevladujočim deležem gospodinjstev upokojencev in torej področja koncentracije starega prebivalstva, potem področja, katerih nastanek je direktno povezan z industrijo in področja na prirodno najslabših tleh v okviru mesta. Vsem tem področjem je skupna pomanjkljiva komunalna opremljenost in neprimerno stanovanjsko okolje. Zaradi hitrejšega razvoja drugih mestnih predelov ta področja relativno še nadalje nazadujejo, v njih tudi struktura prebivalstva konstantno nazaduje, kar je ponekod že pripeljalo, drugod pa se že kažejo znaki prehoda v to, kar imenujejo v Ameriki slum, v nemški in nizozemski literaturi pa z manj drastičnim imenom Sanierungsgebiet. Naše raziskave so razkrile v slovenskih mestih še več področij s podpoprečno socialna in starostno strukturo prebivalstva ter stanovanjskega standarda. Pokazale so se velike razlike med posameznimi deli mest, te razlike še nadalje rastejo in se kažejo tudi v komunalni opremljenosti prostora, okolju itd. Konkretnih posegov za izenačevanje teh pogojev in za zmanjšanje strukturnih razlik pri nas nimamo. Nekaj takega je na primer predvideno v urbanističnem načrtu Sarajeva, kjer naj bi bile najemnine tudi v boljših družbenih stanovanjih regulator zmanjševanja strukturnih razlik. V vseh raziskanih predelih predvojnih večstanovanjskih hiš je socialna struktura prebivalstva pod poprečkom, še zlasti močno v tistih predelih, ki so bili namensko zgrajeni za delavce. Takšne skupine hiš so gradili neposredno ob industrijskih obratih ali na cenejšem zemljišču, ki je bilo takrat predvsem na robu mesta in v slabšem prirodnem okolju. Kompleks večstanovanjskih hiš ob Nasipni ulici na Pobrežju v Mariboru ima kar 61,1 % gospodinjstev kvalificiranih delavcev, 18,2 /o gospodinjstev upokojencev, 7,2 % gospodinjstev nekvalificiranih delavcev itd. V Mostah je delavskih gospodinjstev 44,8 %>, upokojenskih 21 /o, v središču starega Tabora na desnem bregu Drave v Mariboru je delavskih gospodinjstev 28,1 %, nekvalificiranih delavcev pa še nadaljnjih 10,9 %>, medtem ko je gospodinjstev upokojencev kar 32,8 %>. Podobno je v starem središču na Ravnah, kjer je delavskih gospodinjstev 58,5 %, nekvalificiranih delavcev 8,5 /o in gospodinjstev upokojencev 16,7 %>. V to skupino mestnih predelov moramo šteti tudi središči Kamnika in Škofje Loke, ki izkazujeta v neugodni zazidalni strukturi tudi neugodno socialno in starostno strukturo prebivalstva. Čim močneje je bila že pred vojno razvita industrija, tem večji kompleksi takšne stanovanjske strukture so izven starega mestnega središča. V takšnih hišah živi pretežno starejše avtohtono prebivalstvo, ki predstavlja stabilen element, medtem ko je labilen element priseljeno mlado prebivalstvo najnižjih socialnih skupin, v veliki meri predvsem samske žene z otroki. Stanovanjski standard je v takšnih zgradbah močno pod poprečjem, možnosti za izboljšavo pa skoraj ni. Te predele naših mest je sedaj zajel enak proces, kakršen je zajel najstarejša mestna jedra že pred 15 leti. V to kategorijo mestnih predelov spadajo zlasti predvojne delavske kolonije. Najbolj tipičen primer je železničarska kolonija v Mariboru, od koder se je avtohtono prebivalstvo kvalifici- 3 Mirko Pak: Socialne deformacije v nekaterih predelih slovenskih mest. Inštitut za geografijo univerze v Ljubljani 1969.

4 ranih železničarjev odselilo v bloke, na njihovo mesto pa so se naselili večinoma nekvalificirani delavci iz Dravske doline. Prav posebno kategorijo predstavljajo skoraj v celoti srednjeveška jedra v naših mestih. Poleg Gornjega trga v Ljubljani, ki smo ga že uvrstili med šest raziskanih predelov z najnižjo socialno strukturo, je raziskava Starega trga pokazala nizko socialno strukturo in veliko starega prebivalstva, enako v Mariboru, Škofji Loki, Kamniku in Kopru. Povsod so ti predeli izredno gosto poseljeni na dvoriščni strani, kjer je tudi veliko raznih nestanovanjskih dejavnosti. To so tipična področja sanacije, ne samo kot stanovanjski, temveč v veliki meri tudi kot gospodarski prostor. Med osemnajstimi raziskanimi mestnimi predeli, ki izkazujejo podpoprečno socialno in zgradbeno strukturo so tudi stara predmestja, v glavnem že močno deformirana in pozidana (Nova vas v Mariboru, južni del Kamnika). V teh predelih prav tako izstopa visok delež delavskih gospodinjstev, 65,3 /o v Kamniku in 47,1 % v Novi vasi v Mariboru. Vendar se ta predmestja hitro transformirajo in zboljšujejo svoje strukture, še zlasti v večjih mestih, kjer močno pritiskajo na proste gradbene parcele tudi višje socialne skupine. Nasprotno pa nastajajo na robovih mesta nova predmestja na prirodno in psihološko manj vrednem zemljišču. V Ljubljani je to raziskani predel na Viču ob cesti na Rakovo jelšo, v Mariboru pa na robu in deloma že v samem Tezenskem gozdu. Glede na splošne razlike v gospodarski in poklicni strukturi obeh mest, je tako struktura zazidave kakor poklicna struktura boljša v Ljubljani, v obeh raziskanih predelih pa je močno pod poprečkom obeh mest. V predelu ob Rakovi jelši, kjer je bilo 73,2% vseh hiš zgrajenih po letu 1960 je od skupno 261 gospodinjstev kar 20,2 % gospodinjstev nekvalificiranih delavcev in nadaljnjih 47,6 /o gospodinjstev kvalificiranih delavcev. Če dodamo temu še 6,5 /o gospodinjstev nižjih uslužbencev in 6,9% gospodinjstev upokojencev, znaša skupno število gospodinjstev nižje socialne strukture kar 81,2%. Značilno za ta predel je, da imajo vse družine skupaj kar 203 podnajemnike. Celotni predel ob Rakovi jelši je v glavnem črna gradnja in zato brez ustrezne komunalne ureditve. Tako tukaj na robu strnjeno zazidanega prostora Ljubljane nastaja homogena četrt z nižjim stanovanjskim standardom in socialno strukturo prebivalstva. Dalje na periferiji mesta poteka kvalitetno podobna urbanizacija. V naselju Skoke pri Mariboru je bilo po letu 1960 zgrajenih 48 hiš, največ v zadnjih letih, saj jih je še 23 v gradnji. Ta urbanizacija je izšla predvsem iz delavske strukture, saj je 89% gospodinjstev delavskih. Pri tem pa je močno zastopan najnovejši dejavnik urbanizacije zaposlovanje v tujini. Kar 10 ali 20,8% vseh hiš je bilo zgrajenih z denarjem zdomcev. Omeniti je še potrebno, da tudi gradnja nekaterih četrti blokov ne pomeni povsod dviga stanovanjskega standarda in oblikovanja kvalitetno enakovrednih mestnih predelov. To se pokaže že v zunanji podobi teh predelov, še močneje pa v strukturi prebivalstva. Ta je ob naselitvi marsikje še ugodna, čez nekaj let pa se izredno poslabša. Takšne primere najdemo v Mariboru v Stražunu in na južnem delu mesta ob Betnavskem gozdu. Tukaj so sredi te blokovske četrti postavili novo pivovarno, ki še poslabša stanovanjsko okolje. Hitra rast naših mest socialne razlike še poglablja, načrtna sanacija pa je v njih komajda prisotna.

5 Mirko Pak GEOGRAPHICAL ELEMENTS OF THE SOCIAL DIFFERENTIATION IN URBAN AREAS The city is territory of the strongest concentration of Man's activities and, as such, the area of most rapid qualitative and spatial changes. Not only is the quality of residential space in older parts of the city rapidly deteriorating but even some newly built residential structures are lagging behind the average standards of housing and urban residential environment. The same is true of various infrastructural projects. A characteristical example for such a development is Amsterdam that was planned, as early as in the year 1935, as a city for cyclists but where motor traffic is now partly for that reason almost insoluble problem in the core area of the city. The value of the urban space in cities was very heterogenous even in the past and was related to natural conditions, to the situation of particular section in relation to the city centre, to the structure of the remaining medieval parts of the built-up area and to other factors. The economic development has increased the value of some factors from the past while a decline in value of other factors has set in. The place of residence in the city centre, along the main streets, has changed from being a favourable location and has turned into its opposite because of the polluted environment, noise, difficult access by the automobile and by the lack of green spaces. Residences at a greater distance from the city centre, however, have gained in value. Thus Burgess in his model of the concentric spatial pattern of the city has put the slums into the core area adjacent to the business centre of the city lieate areas of the equal value of residences and of the environment in the case of the larger towns and cities is, however, a rather difficult task. 1 There are several reasons for that. First, because areas that have a similar structure are in many cases very much intertwined and really homogenous precintes are very small. Second, because the outer structure is very highly correlated to the population structure. It is impossible to separate both components in an evaluation of the structure of the urban space. In the smaller towns, particular areas are considerably more homogenous. It is nevertheless possible to single out areas in towns with worse residential standards and environment on the basis of the research done until now on thirty urban precincts in various towns of Slovenia. These areas are: in the centres of the cities, in older premises of multistorey apartment houses, 1 E. W. Burgess: The Growth of the City. An Introduction to a Research Project. Studies in Human Ecology. New York, 1961, pp Mirko Pak: Social Geographical Differentiation in the Towns of Slovenia (English summary). In»Geografica Slovenica«, voll. (The Yugoslav Symposium on urban geography). Ljubljana, 1971, pp Mirko Pak, Gojmir Bervar: Geographical Effects of Social Deformation in some areas of Slovenian Towns. Geografski vestnik XLIII (1971), Ljubljana, pp

6 close to industrial plants, in the neuwer suburban precints on cheaper land, where the immigrants to towns use to settle, in some areas of the pre-war detached houses, in the precints of the pre-war workers apartment houses. A correlation analysis between the structure of the built-up areas (precincts) and the structure of population (or rather, bearers of the households certificates) by professions has revealed that in 18 out of 30 precints covered by surveys (or 60 per cent of all) both indicators stand out in the negative sense. This means the high share of the old population, the homogenous low social status of the resident population, etc. on the one hand and the poor structure of the housing (multistorey apartments, old workers' cottages, and similar) on the other hand. With regard to the structure of population by profession three groups of precincts were included among those with worse residential and environmental standards, i. e.: precincts with more than 30 per cent of the pensioners' households, precincts with 30 to 40 per cent of the pensioners' households, precincts with more than 50 per cent of the workers households and with a considerable share of the lower rank officials. The first group includes 3 precinct (10 per cent), the second 8 precincts (26,7 per cent) and the third group 7 precincts (23,3 per cent). The large share of the households of a low social status in these precincts is paralel to a low share of the heads of households with secondary or higher education. The share of the latter category of the households in precincts with over 40 per cent of the pensioners' households is only 4,5 per cent and in those with per cent of the persioners' households is 11,9 per cent and in those with over 50 per cent of the workers' households the average is 18,2 per cent. In the other twelve precincts which were not included into the three groups under disscussion, the average share of the officials' households was as high as 42,8 per cent. In dealing with the second element, the structure of the built-up areas, two groups were singled out. The first includes precincts where over 80 per cent of all households live in old multistorey apartment houses or in even worse kind of housing accomodation. The second group includes precincts where 60 to 80 per cent of households live in such a type of accomodation. Eleven precincts (36,7 per cent) were found to belong to the first group and 7 (23,3 per cent) to the second group. Twelve among eighteen precincts were found to belong to the two groups just mentioned not only with regard to the structure of the built-up areas but also with regard to the structure of population (households) by profession. Among them are all three precincts with over 40 per cent of the pensioners' households, five precincts (out of 8) from the group with 30 to 40 per cent of the pensioners' households and three precincts (out of 7) where workers' households make up more than 50 per cent of all households. The remaining precincts, where no such correlations were found to exist, are located entirely on the fringes of the old city cores. There, both the fairly good housing conditions and the favourable population structure of the past period have maintained also

7 a relatively favourable social structure of population until the present day. These are, at the same time, precincts of such a type of housing that makes possible both recondition and modernisation. A special analysis of the six»deformed«precincts in Ljubljana, Celje, Jesenice and Koper has confirmed that the starting points applied in their selection were justified. 3 The selected precincts represent the oldest central built-up areas of these towns, where the pensioners' households are predominant. These are, therefore, precincts of the concentration of the old population, precincts that have been originally directly linked to the emerging industries and also precincts built on the worst building sites with regard to natural conditions. A common feature of all these precincts is that the provision of public utilities is bad or inadequate and that the residential environment is substandard. Because of a more rapid development in other parts of the towns these precincts are continuing to lag behind, at least in relative terms. The structure of population by age is steadily deteriorating which has led to the formation (or is on the brink of becoming) a phenomenon called the»slum«in the English literature or (in a less drastic connotation)»sanierungsgebiet«in the German or Dutch literature. The research carried out until now has detected in Slovenian towns many more areas where the social and the age structures of population and the housing standards are below the average. It has also revealed great differences between particular parts of towns which also tend to increase and are also reflected in the provision with public utilities, in the environmental conditions in general, etc. Concrete measures for the equality with regard to these conditions and for a decrease in the structural differences are not in operation in Slovenia. Something like that is enwisaged in the Master plan for Sarajevo, where rents even in the better dwellings in public ownership should play the role of a regulator in the process of the decrease of the structural differences. The social structure of population is below the average in all precincts of the pre-war multistorey apartment houses, in particular in those precints which were built to house workers. Such groups of apartment houses are built on sites directily adjacent to factories or on cheap land which usually was then on the fringes of towns and of poor quality with regard to the natural environment. In a precinct along the Nasipna street in the Maribor suburb of Pobrezje the share of the skilled workers' households is as high as 61,9 per cent where as that of the pensioners' households is 18,2 per cent and that of unskilled workers' households 7,2 per cent. In the Moste suburb of Ljubljana the share of the workers' households was 44,8 per cent and that of the persioners' households 21,0 per cent. In the central part of the old Tabor quarter in Maribor the share of the workers' households was 28,1 per cent, that of the unskilled workers' households 10,9 per cent in addition and the share of the persioners' households was as much as 32,8 per cent. A similar situation was found to exist in the old central part of the industrial town of Ravne. The share of the workers' households was 58,5 per cent that for the unskilled workers' households 8,5 per cent and that of the 3 Mirko Pak: Social Deformation in Some precincts in Slovenian Towns. Institute of Geography at the university of Ljubljana; Research paper. Unpublished. Ljubljana, 1969.

8 pensioners' households 16,7 per cent. The old central parts of Kamnik and Skofja Loka, where the unfavourable structure of the built-up areas is mirrored in the equally unfavourable social and age structures of population must also be included into this group of urban precincts. The most developed were the manufacturing industries before the last war, the larger are such housing zones outside the old historical cores of these towns. Houses in such areas are inhabited mostly by an autochtonous population which is static while the mobile element is represented by the youg population of the lowest social strata (most numerous among them are single women with children). The housing standard in old houses is far below the average and hardly any improvements are possible. These precincts in Slovenian towns are now exposed to the same process which has already affected the very oldest parts of towns some fifteen years ago. This category of urban areas includes, in particular, the workers housing estates built before World War II. The most typical example is the railwaymens' housing estate in Maribor, from which the autochtonous skilled workers have moved out to dwellings provided in modern blocks of flats elsewhere and their quarters have been taken over mostly by unskilled workers who have emigrated from rural areas along the Drava river valley. A rather special category is represented by almost entirely old medieval core areas of the towns. The analysis has proved that a part from the precinct of Gornji trg in Ljubljana, which has already been mentioned as one among the six surveyed precincts of the lowest social structure five more such precincts can be singled out as areas with a lot of the old people and a low social status. These are: Stari trg in Ljubljana as well as four more precincts in Maribor, Skofja Loka, Kamnik and Koper. These precincts are everywhere very densely populated and include a large share of people whose dwellings are in the backyard sites which have also been taken over in many cases by nonresidential activities. Such precincts are typical areas in need of rehabilitation of both the dwelling space and of the economic activities eventually going on in them. The older suburbs which are already deformed and fully built-up (e. g. Nova vas in Maribor, the southern quarter of old Kamnik) should also be included among the eighteen urban precincts where the social structure and the structure of the built-up areas are below the respective averages. In such quarters a high share of the workers' households stands out: 65,3 per cent in the Kamnik precinct and 47,1 per cent in Nova vas. But the fact is that these suburbs are being rapidly transformed and the structures are improving, in particular in the suburbs of the larger towns where there is a great demand for the still vacant building lots on the part of the persons from higher social layers. New substandard suburban precincts, however, are also appearing now on sites which because of the natural conditions and of psychological reasons are considered as less valuable. Two such areas were surveyed, one in Ljubljana (along the Rakova Jelsa road in the marshy plain to the south of the city) and another in Maribor (on the fringe and partly inside the Tezno forest). Because of the general differences in the socioeconomic structure of both cities the above mentioned precinct in Ljubljana has a better structure of professions and also a better structure of the built-up area; in both cities, however, it is still very much below

9 the average for each city. The precintct along Rakova Jelša, where 73,2 per cent of all houses were built after the year 1960, was settled (at the time the survey was taken) by 261 households. As much as 20,2 per cent of them were unskilled workers' households and another 47,6 per cent were skilled workers' households. If the 6,5 per cent of the lower officials' households and the 6,0 per cents of the persioners' households are added the total share of households of the lower social structure amounts to as much as 81,2 per cent. It is characteristic of this precinct that the householders sub-let rooms to as many as 202 persons. The entire precinct along Rakova Jelša is mainly an area of the»wild cat«construction and, therefore, without adequate public utilities. Thus, on the very fringe of the built-up area of the city of Ljubljana, a homogenous urban quarter with low standards of residential environment and with a low social structure is emerging. Urbanisation of a similar quality of environment is in course in the wider peripheries of towns as well. In the settlement of Skoke near Maribor 48 houses were built since the year 1960, mostly during the last few years (23 among them are still in construction!). The households are almost entirely workers' households (89 per cent). A new factor in the urbanisation process money gained in the seasonal employment abroad is reflected in the fact that 20,8 per cent of all houses at Skoke were built out of such savings. It should also be mentioned that the construction of certain housing estates with blocks of flats does not always mean a rise in standards of a housing area environment. This is illustrated in the outer appearence of such precincts but even more so from the structure of population. When people move in, the structure was often still a favourable one. But after some years a very marked deterioration sets in. Such examples exist in Maribor at Stražun and, on the southern fringe of the city, along the Betnava forest. In the latter case a new brewery was located in the middle of the group of blocks of flats which has caused a further deterioration of the environment. The rapid development of towns in Slovenia is causing great social differences where as a planned rehabilitation is hardly present. Diskusija o referatu M. Paka I. Vrišer Dr. Pak se je več let intenzivno ukvarjal s problemi notranje zgradbe, socialne strukture in gradbene strukture mest. To so problemi, ki jih urbanizem ne najbolje ali pa sploh ne rešuje. Vem samo za en takšen aktiven doprinos jugoslovanskega urbanizma tej problematiki pod naslovom»rekonstrukcija mest«. Pri tem so se urbanisti osredotočili na problematiko starih mestnih jeder, docela pa so puščali ob strani te slabše predele v predmestjih ali pa, kar je še posebej pomembno t. i. delavske kolonije v naših industrijskih središčih. To problematiko bi bilo potrebno razdeliti na dva dela. Rekonstrukcija starih mestnih jeder je problem, ki ni tako silno težak. V Ljubljani je mestno središče izgubljalo prebivalstvo do zadnje vojne. Po vojni je zaradi pritiska prebivalstva mesto ponovno začelo naraščati in je ta del mesta prenaseljen. Vendar je ta del mesta vabljiv za podjetja, za poslovne urade, gostinske lokale itd. Torej tukaj se vedno lahko dobi denar za obnovo. Docela drugače je z obmestji in predmestji, kadar gre za njihovo rekonstrukcijo. Tukaj se ponavadi postavlja v ospredje samo še rušenje, ki je pri naši stanovanjski stiski nezaželeno. Kadar se v urbanističnih krogih 9 Simpozij IOQ

10 diskutira o tej rekonstrukciji mest, se ponavadi malo ali pa čisto nič ne ve o socialni strukturi teh naselij. Menim, da je ena od odlik Zavoda za regionalno planiranje bila ta, da je dal pobudo in omogočil dr. Paku, da se je lotil tega problema. Naši urbanisti v glavnem raje rešujejo stari Split, stari Rab, Dubrovnik, torej tiste ambiente, ki so urbanistično zelo vabljivi. M. Pak V referatu je bilo govora predvsem o stanovanjskih predelih mest, o problemu stanovanjskega okolja, torej ne o predelih z drugimi funkcijami. Normalno so bili vključeni tudi funkcijsko mešani predeli. Sanacija starih mestnih središč je tesno povezana s sanacijo tega prostora v nestanovanjske namene. To je bilo marsikje prisotno tudi v slovenskih mestih, vendar pomanjkanje kapitala največkrat ni pripeljalo do realizacije. V Budimpešti so stanovanjsko okolje izboljšali tako, da so dvorišča lepo preuredili v travne nasade. V nemških mestih je v ospredju sanacija s spremembo funkcije iz stanovanjske v nestanovanjsko. To spremljajo obsežna rušenja, kar zahteva seveda veliko kapitala. Zato pri nas ali sploh ne pride do sanacij, ali pa so te omejene na pritličje starih stavb. Sem pridejo potem dejavnosti, ki morajo biti koncentrirane, zaradi svojega značaja so atraktivne in privabljajo potrošnike za obdobne nakupe. Takšne inovacije zasledimo v stari Ljubljani. Tudi v Mariboru predvideva urbanistični načrt sanacijo starega predela med Glavnim trgom, Koroško cesto in Dravo. Vendar zahteva to ogromna sredstva in do danes ni skoraj nič narejenega. V. Kokole Ta študija je čisto nov korak naprej pri raziskavah prebivalstva pri nas, ki so pokazale več stvari, pri katerih grešimo in jih naši planerji nič ali pa skoraj nič ne upoštevajo. Tudi pri nas imamo nekaj kar se dogaja po svetu, namreč, da se ob starem mestu in v starem mestu začenja oblikovati slum. Tudi prebivalstvo, ki se je naselilo v blokih, se po 10 ali 15 letih odseli in v njih pridejo nižje socialne strukture. Ta proces je bil pospešen s sprostitvijo individualnih gradenj in z večjimi možnostmi. Treba bo s strani planerjev to upoštevati. Arhitekt namreč napravi načrt, kakšno bo področje čez 20 let, kaj se pa po 20 letih dogaja, ne ve. Zdi se mi, da bi bilo zelo potrebno posredovati rezultate teh raziskav, ki so silno važne. Odpira se tudi problem možnosti adaptacij, kako to vpliva na vrednost stanovanjskega okolja. Prebivalstvo se v takšnih predelih bolj drži kot pa tam, kjer so ljudje utesnjeni in ne morejo v zgradbi okrog sebe prav nič spremeniti. Od tam bežijo kakor hitro dosežejo višji standard, ki zahteva tudi večje prostorske potrebe in možnosti za realizacijo povečave. To se dogaja tudi v socialnih gradnjah. Če jih bomo skoncentrirali na večjih kompleksih ali na enem mestu, bo to postalo socialni problem bodočnosti. Na to bo potrebno naše planerje opozoriti. Študije dr. Paka jasno kažejo, kam lahko pridemo, če tega ne upoštevamo. V. Klemenčič To, kar je povedal dr. Kokole, povsem drži. V Miinchnu so gradili elegantne nove četrti, ki so zaradi neustreznega načina gradnje za življenje človeka danes že slumi. To so naselja z več 10 tisoč prebivalci. Mislim, da delitev aktivnega prebivalstva na uslužbence in delavce ni ustrezna. Visokokvalificirani delavci imajo lahko visoke dohodke in uslužbenci nizke. Geografi smo bili doslej večkrat navezani na sociološko delitev prebivalstva. Zakaj govorim o problemu delitve prebivalstva po skupinah. Zato ker lahko pri nas v Sloveniji v zadnjih 15 letih sledimo nastajanju dveh tipov četrti. To so četrti redkejše zazidave, z asfaltiranimi cestami, v katerih živi prebivalstvo vodilne strukture, to so uslužbenci regionalnih služb, političnih in upravnih organov. Na drugi strani so četrti, ki so si jih šilom prilik oblikovali delavci, priseljeni iz drugih območij. To je neintegrirano prebivalstvo, ki živi v četrtih z gosto zazidavo in neustrezno infrastrukturo, zlasti veliko je neasfaltiranih cest. Ce bi pregledali mala mesta, bi točno ugotovili, kje je nastala mestna četrt pod vplivom vodilnih struktur in kje se je naseljevalo prebivalstvo, ki si je iz zadrege moralo poiskati prostor, za katerega vodilna struktura in urbanistične službe niso imele posebnega razumevanja.

11 Ta delitev na dva dela je vtisnjena v fiziognomiji naših mest. Na južnem delu Kamnika na vzhodni strani železnice so vodilne strukture iz Kamnika, na drugi strani železnice pa so doseljenci. Ko sklasificiramo prebivalstvo, bi morali izhajati iz prostorskih vidikov. To se pravi iz vidika reagiranja človeka v prostoru. Tako bomo lahko mnogo doprinesli k nadaljnjemu razvoju mest. Kajti socialna gradnja za določeno strukturo prebivalstva, kar kaže v prostoru določene poteze in ni funkcionalna, je slum že preden jo zgradiš. Geografi s svojim sedanjim znanjem to lahko odkrivamo in opozarjamo, k čemur je že do sedaj veliko prispeval dr. Pak, ogromno gradiva pa se je zbralo tudi pri diplomskih nalogah. Vsega seveda še nismo sistematično proučili, za to tudi nismo dobili toliko milijonov, kot jih imajo sedaj nekateri za raziskave na nekaterih območjih, ki na te stvari sploh ne mislijo in zanje nimajo občutka. M. Pak O socialnih skupinah smo govorili ze na urbanem simpoziju. Poskušali smo torej poklicno in šolsko strukturo združevati. Dohodki bi bili seveda zelo dobro merilo, katerih pa ni možno dobiti. Na drugi strani pa je posredno že prof. Klemenčič nakazal, da so ljudje določenih socialnih skupin različno mobilni. Nekvalificirani delavec ima lahko večje dohodke od gimnazijskega profesorja, ki ima samo plačo. Tu je še cela vrsta dejavnikov.