UNCORRECTED PROOF! Regional tourism in South Africa: A case of mass tourism of the South PDF-OUTPUT

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1 UNCORRECTED PROOF! GeoJournal 0: 1 9, Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands. Regional tourism in South Africa: A case of mass tourism of the South Christian M. Rogerson School of Geography, Archaeology and Environmental Studies, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa ( RogersonC@geoarc.wits.ac.za) Key words: budget tourism, regional tourism, South African tourism Abstract Regional tourism represents a sub-category of international tourism and refers to intra-regional flows of tourists. Although in many parts of the developing world regional tourism has been shown to be a major growth market, policy-makers have tended to neglect this form of budget tourism. In this paper the growth and significance of regional tourism for the tourism economy of post-apartheid South Africa is highlighted. Within the developing world context, South Africa provides a useful case study in terms of the national government s growing policy awakening to the importance of regional tourism as a force for the further development of the country s tourism industry. 1 Introduction Over the last decade there has occurred a discovery of the phenomenon of regional tourism and an accompanying growth of research and writings. The term regional tourism represents a sub-category of international tourism and refers to intra-regional flows of tourists (Dieke, 1998). Within Africa, Asia and Latin America, intra- regional tourism has been shown to be a major growth market in recent years (Ghimire, 2001a, b; Scheyvens, 2002). Indeed, a report by the Economic Commission for Africa records that the greatest numbers of international tourists are intraregional (Gerosa, 2003, p. 49). Ghimire (1997, 2002a) interprets regional tourism as a phenomenon of mass tourism in the South and something that offers the potential for growing South-South economic cooperation. Despite the growth of regional tourism across much of the developing world, in many cases its policy significance remains overlooked by governments and donor agencies. Regional tourists are often viewed as part of the category of budget tourists and considered for purposes of strategic planning often with the backpacker market or domestic tourists (Scheyvens, 2002). Many governments in the developing world thus place little emphasis in tourism planning on regional tourism which is seen as far less glamorous than the attraction of international tourists. Moreover, this policy neglect of regional tourism often is shared by international development agencies. Typically, a recent high profile World Bank assessment of tourism potential in Africa was completely silent on issues of, and the potential surrounding, regional tourism (Christie and Crompton, 2001). Accordingly, a so-termed a Northern bias often pervades much national tourism planning across the developing world. Indeed, as the dominant official concept of tourism in developing countries focuses on receiving wealthy foreign visitors from the industrialized North, most governments have put significant effort into promoting international tourism, neglecting the potentials as well as the problems related to mass tourism involving domestic and regional tourists (Ghimire, 2001b, p. 2). It is against this background that the objective in this paper is to examine issues and policy initiatives concerning the growth of South Africa as a destination for regional tourism. The post-1994 political changes have opened up South Africa to a major flow of regional tourists. Although the research works produced by the Southern African Migration Project (see e.g. Crush, 1997; Rogerson, 1997, 1999; Peberdy and Crush, 1998, 2001; McDonald, 2000; Peberdy, 2000a, b; Peberdy and Rogerson, 2000, 2003) draw detailed focus upon the new flows of international migrants to South Africa from other parts of sub-saharan Africa, no attention has been paid so far to the parallel (and linked) growth of tourism flows from sub-saharan Africa. None the less, the close interrelationships established between international migration flows and of tourism have been highlighted by Williams and Hall (2002) who draw attention for example, to the manner in which international migrants set up pathways for new flows of business tourism and travel for visits to friends and relatives. Indeed, the situation of South African research mirrors the international picture that the significance of tourism as a component of the migrant experience has received relatively little attention (Halland Williams, 2002, p. 277). In the South African case, regional tourism is defined simply as tourism flows, by land or air, from other countries in sub-saharan Africa. Two sets of discussion are presented here. In the first section, as context, current international debates concerning the development of regional tourism in the developing world are reviewed. In the second section, PDF-OUTPUT G tex; 29/04/2004; 12:49; p.1 CP; DISK Gr.: , GEJO TDSA3 (gejokap:a4fam) v.1.2

2 2 attention turns to highlight the significance of regional tourism for the tourism economy of post-apartheid South Africa and of policy development for regional tourism. Within the developing world context, South Africa provides a useful case study in terms of the national government s growing policy awakening to the importance of regional tourism as a force for the further development of the country s tourism industry. Mass tourism in the South : The growth of regional tourism At the broadest level of analysis, the growth of scholarly research on regional tourism can be located as part of a wider interest by tourism scholars in the changing role of international borders or boundaries (Timothy, 1995). Indeed, Timothy (2001) avers that borders have emerged as a new frontier in international tourism research. Until recently political boundaries received little attention in tourism writings with most work focused only on borders as barriers to tourism. Nevertheless, with changing geopolitics and globalization, the role of borders has changed from that of barriers to a line of integration rather than simply a barrier to interaction (Timothy, 2000, p. 21). Of special importance for regional tourism are issues such as the liberalization of trade policies, new air transportation linkages, the easing of travel/visa restrictions and international cooperation in economic development (Timothy, 2001). Although international organizations such as the World Tourism Organization combine together long-distance and regional tourists into the single category of international tourists, many researchers now argue the need for disaggregation and for a clearer distinction between these two groups. In particular the works of Ghimire (1997, 2001a, b) stress the differences between the profiles of regional tourists and of the larger category of international tourists. The behaviour and spending patterns of regional tourists are seen as different from that of the average international tourist (Ghimire, 1997). As Ghimire (2001b, p. 6) observes of regional tourists of the South he or she may be satisfied with less luxurious accommodation and more aware of local cultural norms than tourists coming from Europe or North America. Indeed, because of different characteristics and spend patterns, the British Department for International Development (DFID) considers that regional tourism potentially can create proportionately more local economic opportunities than international and packaged tourism (DFID, 1999). The implication of this is, therefore, that regional tourism is a potential source of opportunities for encouraging propoor tourism in the developing world (Gerosa, 2003). But, in some cases, the opposite case may be true especially when the majority of regional and national tourists originate mainly from the privileged classes in the South and engage in lavish consumption activities (Ghimire, 1997). This debate points to the poor state of existing knowledge and neglect concerning Southern tourists. Overall, it is contended that existing policies in developing countries tend to concentrate overwhelmingly on expanding international tourist arrivals from the North and have frequently ignored both the benefits and problems of the emerging phenomenon of mass tourism involving domestic and regional visitors (Ghimire, 2001b, p. 1). It is evident that the emergence of the regional tourist is inseparable from the historical growth of domestic tourism in developing countries (Ghimire, 1997, 2001a). The limited literature on domestic tourism in the developing world attests to several key factors as underpinning the rise of both domestic and regional tourism in the South. Existing research points to certain parallels to the European experience in terms of many of the factors that underlie this growth, viz., the strong desire to travel among the urban population, an increasing national economy, rapid developments in transport and increased workers benefits accompanied by increased tourist facilities and marketing (Ghimire, 2001b). The motivations for domestic and regional travel include pilgrimages, visiting friends and relatives, business travel, and increasingly a segment of leisure travel (see Wen, 1997; Bleasdale and Kwarko, 2000; Barkin, 2001; Diegues, 2001; Kaosa-ard et al., 2001; Ra and Suresh, 2001). As Scheyvens (2002, p. 144) avers, the contemporary growth of domestic tourism across the South is enormous and is linked to the emergence of an exalted middle class with reasonable affluence and disposable income and a strong desire for travel. Across many countries of the South Brazil, China, India, Mexico or Thailand - leisure travel is no longer, however, the exclusive prerogative of the upper classes. In China, for example, the extent of the domestic tourism market is clearly sizeable (Ghimire and Li, 2001, p. 104) and extends beyond the growing middle class to include the participation in leisure travel of the country s lower middle class. Although it is recognized now that regional travel is becoming an important phenomenon in several parts of the Third World (Ghimire, 1997), little concrete information has been collected on regional tourists. Basic information often is lacking on this growing tourism phenomenon. Of several key unknowns, Ghimire (1997) poses the following issues: Who are these new tourists?. Where do they originate from? Where are they concentrated, What are their leisure tastes and perceptions? What are their main activities? What is their level of awareness regarding tourism related socioeconomic and environmental impacts? In what ways do they differ from tourists from the North? Do these tourists have a greater local impact in terms of using local materials, local accommodation and local skills? As tourism studies as a whole are relatively undeveloped in Africa, it is not surprising that there exists only limited writings both on domestic and regional tourism. Some material exists for domestic tourism in Ghana (Bleasdale and Kwarko, 2000), Kenya (Sindiga, 1996) and Nigeria (Mustapha, 2001) with the most detailed research on the changing domestic tourism industry of South Africa (Koch and Massyn, 2001; Rule et al., 2003). The importance of VFR tourism has been documented in both Ghana (Bleasdale and Kwarko, 2000) and South Africa (Koch and Massyn, 2001; Rule et al., 2003) and has implications for the type of accommodation used and expenditure patterns. G tex; 29/04/2004; 12:49; p.2

3 3 One of the first attempts to explore the phenomenon of regional tourism in Africa is contained in the work of Dieke (1998). In this pioneer study it was observed at the outset that for Africa there are no known studies on the subject (Dieke, 1998, p. 44). It was contended by Dieke that, whilst the main travel motivations for Africans are business related, none the less it was doubtful whether business travel alone could explain the observed expansion in regional tourism within the continent. Other factors were clearly coming into play, including politics (e.g. official missions), visiting friends and relatives, holiday and recreation, notwithstanding the often poor intra-regional air linkages which constrain regional travel across Africa (Dieke, 1998, p. 40). Although Dieke (1998) maintains that leisure travel is not integral to the lifestyle of the average African as demand is constrained by low incomes and family commitments, none the less there is an important element of VFR regional tourism. Once again, this segment of regional tourism underscores the need to examine the inter-relationships between the geography of international migration flows and of tourism (Williams and Hall, 2002). Other research highlights the importance of shopping and health as factors of rising significance in African regional tourism, especially in the case of South Africa (Rogerson, 2002a; Peberdy and Rogerson, 2003). Overall, it is apparent that regional tourism offers a research agenda of considerable significance to policy-makers, not least as a vital and integral element of wider regional economic cooperation initiatives in Africa (Ghimire, 2001a, b). Among the most important of these regional African initiatives are the Southern African Development Community and the New Partnerships for Africa s Development (NEPAD) within which the further development of tourism has been identified as a priority for the African continent. Regional tourism and South Africa The potential significance of regional tourism for the South African tourism economy was acknowledged in the early 1990s (Cassim, 1993). Nevertheless, until 1994 regional tourism was of only minor importance for the South African tourism economy. It was largely a phenomenon that was confined to VFR tourism from surrounding countries, most importantly from Lesotho, Botswana and Swaziland, which were major sources for the recruitment of workers on South Africa s mines (Cassim, 1993). In addition, there is evidence from the early 1990s of the attraction of regional tourism flows, particularly to Johannesburg, for purposes of shopping (Rogerson, 2002a). Since 1994 with South Africa s re-integration into the global economy and of the establishment of new regional economic linkages within Africa, tourism as a whole has assumed a new significance as a potential economic driver for the development of the post-apartheid economy (Rogerson, 2002b, c). Of special significance here is that South Africa has explicitly identified and recognized the contribution made by regional tourism in the country s tourism economy and further is seeking to develop a set of policy initiatives that are directed to maximize the flow of potential benefits from regional tourism. In this section of discussion, a profile of regional tourists and of regional tourism is presented which is based upon two sources, viz., an analysis of official data collected from departure surveys of foreign visitors to South Africa (South African Tourism, 2003) and analysis of the findings of 100 interviews of regional tourists visiting South Africa from two Francophone African countries (Mba-Anto, 2004). Against this context, attention turns to investigate South Africa s policy response towards the growth of regional tourism. The broad patterns and importance of regional tourism With acknowledgment of the significance of tourism for national economic development, there has occurred a considerable improvement in the quality of official data that is available on South Africa s tourism industry. Reliable longitudinal data on South African tourism, particularly concerning flows of travelers into the country from other parts of Africa, however, is difficult to obtain. Indeed, visitors to South Africa from the surrounding countries of Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia and Swaziland were excluded from official data collection until as late as 1991 (Stapleton, 2003). During the post-apartheid era a marked improvement is evidenced in the reliability and depth of official tourism data, especially with the formation of the Strategic Research Unit of South African Tourism, which is the agency that is mandated with the international marketing of South Africa. Based upon the information for 2002 as provided in the first Annual Tourism Report produced April 2003 from South African Tourism s Strategic Research Unit (South African Tourism, 2003) a detailed picture can be drawn of the contours and significance of regional tourism for the South African tourism economy. Figure 1 shows the sources of foreign visitor arrivals to South Africa for In terms of the numbers of arrivals in South Africa, it is confirmed that the African market is of critical significance for the national tourism economy (see also Saayman and Saayman, 2003). Indeed, senior officials in South African Tourism record that alongside domestic tourism, visitors from Africa represent the backbone of South Africa s tourism economy (Mjekula, 2003, p. 30). Of a total of 6.4 million foreign tourist arrivals during that year, 72% were intra-regional flows from the African continent (South African Tourism, 2003). By far the largest category of arrivals from Africa are those coming to South Africa by land as opposed to air travel (Figure 2). In total, land travelers to South Africa numbered 4.2 million arrivals as opposed to approximately 320,000 air travelers. Overall, Figure 3 shows the leading 20 country sources of foreign arrivals in South Africa for It is evident that that the leading five source markets and six of the leading eight source markets are South Africa s neighbouring states. The largest individual source of arrivals are from Lesotho (1.16 million visitors) followed by Swaziland and Botswana; the major international source markets were the G tex; 29/04/2004; 12:49; p.3

4 4 Figure 1. The geography of foreign tourism arrivals in South Africa, 2002 (Source: Data from South African Tourism 2003). Figure 2. Mode of Travel for Tourism Arrivals from Leading African Sources, 2002 (Source: Data from South African Tourism, 2003). G tex; 29/04/2004; 12:49; p.4

5 5 Figure 3. Leading 20 Individual Source Markets for South African Tourism (Source: South African Tourism, 2003). United Kingdom, Germany and the USA. The importance of land travel as a means of access for regional tourists to South Africa must be reiterated for collectively the number of regional air travelers to South Africa from Africa is considerably less than the total for arrivals from the United Kingdom, which ranks as only sixth in terms of its significance as a source market as indexed by numbers of visitor arrivals. The importance of regional tourism for the South African tourism economy is reduced somewhat if the focus is placed upon an analysis of total foreign direct spend in South Africa. During 2002 the total direct spend in South Africa by foreign tourists in 2002 was R48.8 billion (January 2004 US$1 = R6.50). The total spend by African visitors was R22 billion which represents a 45 percent share. This figure should be compared to the nearly R17 billion contributed to the tourist economy from visitors sourced from Europe and R4 billion from the Americas. Once again, the land travelers to South Africa were the core element of the foreign direct spend, representing an injection of approximately R18 billion into the tourism economy in In terms of individual source markets the ten most significant in ranked order were the United Kingdom (R6322 million), Zimbabwe (R 5053 million), Lesotho (R 3896 million), Botswana (R 3543 million), Germany (R 3516 million), USA (R 3049 million), Mozambique (R 2785 million), Swaziland (R 1811 million), the Netherlands (R 1521 million) and Zambia (R 1387 million). Despite the higher average spend patterns of international as opposed to African travelers, African countries still represent six of the most significant source markets as measured by direct spend. Significant variations are observed in terms of average direct spend with the average tourist arrival from Europe or North America spending between R14,000 R16,700 per visit as compared to between R2200 (Swaziland) and more than R9000 (Malawi, Zambia) for certain source markets of African land travelers. Of note is that some of the highest average spend in South Africa figures are recorded by air travelers coming from African destinations. Indeed, on 2002 data the average tourist arrival in South Africa from Angola or Zambia was spending more in the country than even visitors from the USA or Europe. Overall, however, of the African visitors as a whole there was remarkably little difference in the average spend of business as opposed to holiday visitors; for example from Zimbabwe the average business visitor spent R9535 as opposed to R8945 for leisure travelers. Major differences emerge, however, on data concerning average spend per day with the average per day by business travelers considerably more than for leisure travelers. Again, taking the case of Zimbabwean visitors, those in South Africa as holiday tourists are recorded as spending R 1305 per day as compared to R 2568 per day for those on business travel. A consistent finding is that the lowest expenditures both in total and on a per diem basis are recorded by VFR tourists. By far the majority of African tourists to South Africa fall into the category of independent travelers rather than tourists visiting the country on some form of inclusive tour (where airfare, accommodation, internal travel and food are included) or package (air fare and accommodation) arrangement. Typically, in the case of visitors from Botswana, Lesotho, Mozambique, Swaziland and Zimbabwe at least three-quarters of visitors are independent travelers. As compared to visitors to South Africa from international destinations, it is evident that most regional African tourist are visiting South Africa for purposes of business as opposed to leisure. In terms of individual African source markets, the highest share of business tourists occurs in the cases of Tanzania (52.6%), Mozambique (49.2%), Kenya (48.5%), Malawi (48.1%), Botswana (47.3%) and Nigeria (45.8%). The highest shares of travelers from African sources for purposes of leisure are recorded respectively for Nigeria (36%), Namibia (35.9%), Angola (35.7%), Zimbabwe (35.4%) and Swaziland (34.9%). Not surprisingly, in the category of VFR G tex; 29/04/2004; 12:49; p.5

6 6 Figure 4. The Provincial Distribution of Visits by Regional Tourists (Source: Data from South African Tourism, 2003). tourism the highest shares were recorded in the cases of the surrounding countries of Lesotho (25.8%), Swaziland (18.8%), Zimbabwe (16.8%) and Botswana (14.1%). In terms of length of stay in South Africa, the most common length of stay in South Africa by African tourists was between 2 4 days with the highest figures recorded by travelers coming from Namibia and Tanzania (4 days), followed by Lesotho, Angola, Malawi and Zimbabwe (3 days). The short stay and more frequent visits to South Africa by regional tourists should be compared to the much longer length of stay of visitors from Europe (average days) or the USA (10 15 days). One factor that underpins this pattern is the existence of differential entry conditions for nationals of different countries (Cassim and Jackson, 2003). Under present conditions citizens of the USA, Canada, Japan, Australia, New Zealand and most Western European countries receive preferential treatment in that these nationals are typically issued visitor permits on arrival in South Africa for stays up to 90 days according to return/onward flight dates. By contrast, as of November 2000 nationals of the neighbouring Southern African Development Community countries do not enjoy the same treatment and are granted visits not exceeding 30 days on average. Some indication is provided on Figures 4 and 5 of the geographical impacts of regional tourism in South Africa. Figure 4 shows the distribution of visitors from African sources in terms of provinces that were visited (as opposed to where nights were spent). The picture emerges that South Africa s economic heartland, Gauteng, which includes the cities of Johannesburg and Pretoria is the most significant focus for regional tourism. followed by Western Cape and KwaZulu-Natal provinces. In terms of the dominance of business travel, the core focus on Gauteng is not surprising. In addition, because of their geographical proximity for land travelers, respectively Mpumalanga emerges as a significant focus for visitors from Swaziland and Mozambique, Free State for visitors from Lesotho, Northern Cape for visitors from Namibia, Limpopo for visitors from Zimbabwe, and North West for visitors from Botswana. Another index of the spatial significance of regional tourism within South Africa is provided on Figure 5 which discloses the provincial distribution of bednights recorded by travellers from different African source markets. The highest provincial figures of bednights are again recorded in Gauteng particularly for visitors from Lesotho (4 million), Zimbabwe (2.6 million), Botswana (2.4 million), Swaziland (2.2 million) and Mozambique (2 million). Other significant flows of tourist are evident with figures of over one million bednights recorded for Lesotho visitors in Free State (3.8 million), Swaziland visitors in Mpumalanga (2.5 million), Botswana visitors in North West (1.6 million) and Zimbabwe visitors in Western Cape (1 million). Overall, it is apparent that Gauteng province secures the greatest benefit from regional tourism in South Africa. Indeed, it must be noted that spending by regional tourists from Africa is now recognized as a significant element in the total market of certain Johannesburg shopping malls, most importantly at Sandton City (Stapleton, 2003) and is further acknowledged in strategic tourism planning for Johannesburg (Rogerson, 2003). G tex; 29/04/2004; 12:49; p.6

7 7 Figure 5. The Provincial Distribution of Bednights by Regional Tourists (Source: Data from South African Tourism, 2003). Francophone Africa: A case study of regional tourism The limited existing information on regional tourism in South Africa can be further supplemented by a review of the results reported from recently completed research on regional tourism flows to South Africa from Francophone Africa. Overall, in terms of the broad picture of regional tourism, Francophone Africa is a small source market. None the less, since the early 1990s there has occurred a marked upturn in international migration to South Africa from a number of French-speaking countries in sub-saharan Africa, in particular from Senegal, Cote d Ivoire and Cameroon but most importantly from the Democratic Republic of Congo (Peberdy and Rogerson, 2003). Moreover, many Francophone African nations have sought to develop stronger business ties with post- apartheid South Africa since 1994 and new direct air linkages have been established with a number of destinations including Gabon, Senegal and Cote d Ivoire. Accompanying these strengthening air, business and population linkages there is an observable expansion of regional tourism flows. In this section, the key findings are reported of an investigation conducted during of regional tourists coming into South Africa from the two Francophone nations of Cameroon and Gabon. In total, 100 survey interviews were conducted with travelers from these sources with 50 interviews undertaken with nationals from each of the two case study countries (Mba-Anto, 2004). The results from this limited investigation disclosed a number of different aspects of the profile of visitors from Francophone Africa. The majority of visitors are male (68%), single (77%) and relatively young (60 percent less than 30 years). Moreover, the largest share are visiting South Africa for the first time (58%) with most intending to staying in the country for at least a period of one month. The largest group of these regional tourists from Cameroon and Gabon are visiting South Africa for purposes of business or study. None of the sample were recorded as leisure travellers. Many of the older visitors were, however, in South Africa to visit members of their family who were either working or studying in the country. Indeed, nearly 40% of the sample were staying with friends and relatives whilst in South Africa. Of the largest group of business travelers, there was a notable group of travelers from Cameroon who traveled regularly to Johannesburg, often three or four times a year, in order to purchase cosmetic goods such as brand name perfumes, toiletries and hair products for retailing in Doula or Yaounde which are respectively the economic and political capitals of the country. Other groups of travelers in South Africa for purposes of shopping were purchasing computer equipment and accessories or electrical goods and clothes. The vast majority of the shopping occurs in retail outlets in Johannesburg; a small group shoppers from both countries bought special products, such as mohair, in either Cape Town or Durban. Overall, as the majority of visitors were in South Africa for purposes of business, 90% of the sample of Cameroon and Gabon visitors were staying almost entirely in Gauteng, with the remainder split between Cape Town (Western Cape) and Durban (KwaZulu-Natal). Final impressions of South G tex; 29/04/2004; 12:49; p.7

8 8 Africa amongst these tourist from Francophone Africa were extremely positive, especially in terms of the country s good business opportunities and developed educational and health infrastructure (Mba-Anto, 2004). Policy response towards regional tourism South Africa offers a clear exception to the general trend which is observed in the developing world for governments and policy makers largely to neglect regional tourism in terms of national tourism development planning (cf., Ghimire, 2001b; Scheyvens, 2002). Indeed, the Chief Executive Officer for South African Tourism was reported to state that: The economic impact of tourism from, and between, South Africa s neighbours is of inestimable importance and it is crucial that we work together to maintain an increase in tourist arrivals in the Southern African Development Community region (cited in Mjekula, 2003, p. 30). Acknowledgment at the national level of tourism planning of the important role played by regional tourism is given in South Africa s Tourism Growth Strategy which was launched in 2002 (South African Tourism, 2002). This policy document seeks to grow international tourism in South Africa in a manner that will take the benefits of growth of tourism to all South Africans through sustainable GDP growth, sustainable job creation and promoting transformation and redistribution in our economy (South African Tourism, 2003, p. 9). The strategic objectives of South African Tourism through the growth strategy are sixfold: to increase foreign tourist volumes, to increase spend, to increase length of stay, to promote a more even tourism space economy, to reduce seasonality and to drive transformation and black economic empowerment (South African Tourism, 2002; Visser, 2003). The Tourism Growth Strategy is premised upon focusing marketing activities in both core and tactical markets within four portfolios to target specific segments of consumers (South African Tourism, 2003). One of the portfolios of South African Tourism is focused on Africa and on maximizing the benefits of regional tourism for South Africa. The strategic focus here is not simply intent on growing volume in terms of the numbers of visitors. Marketing activities in Africa are designed to extract further value from the existing visitors by up-selling and cross-selling into other product areas to encourage additional spending and extended stays of these visitors in South Africa (Mjekula, 2003). As explained in the Growth Strategy: a land traveler may come to South Africa for business purposes and the challenge would be to either upsell additional entertainment and shopping components or alternatively to migrate them on their next trip to a holiday or leisure purpose (South African Tourism, 2002, p. 16). Based upon a strategic analysis, the Growth Strategy identifies Egypt, Nigeria, Mauritius, Kenya and Tanzania as those African markets with the greatest opportunities to expand tourism yield. Kenya has been targeted for the launch of this initiative with marketing campaigns for South Africa highlighting the country s shopping, leisure and business opportunities. Moreover, packages which incorporate these elements have been designed with the goal of encouraging business visitors to extend their stay (Mjekula, 2003). Currently it is too early to assess the real impact of these campaigns. None the less the early signs are promising as 2003 data released by Statistics South Africa (2003) shows a significant growth in tourism arrivals in South Africa from other parts of Africa. Conclusion This paper sought to contribute to the relatively undeveloped literature on mass tourism in the South by examining the development and significance of regional tourism in the case of South Africa. The importance of regional tourism within the overall context of foreign tourism arrivals of South Africa was stressed. Moreover, it was shown that the profile and characteristics of regional tourists is markedly different to that of international tourists and thus needs to be disaggregated as a discrete category for policy purposes. The group of regional tourists are shown as heterogeneous with the major distinction at least between the groups of air and land travelers to South Africa. The local impacts of regional tourism in South Africa are clearly geographically markedly uneven for the majority of regional tourists, visiting for business purposes, concentrate in the national economic heartland of Gauteng. It is evident that Johannesburg is the tourism capital and major focus for regional tourists from sub-saharan Africa. Set within the international context of writings on regional tourism the South African experience is particularly important for the explicit recognition that is given to regional tourism in terms of national tourism development planning. Through strategic planning South Africa is engaged in a process of seeking to maximize the developmental potential and impacts of regional tourism arrivals from sub-saharan Africa. The unfolding South African experience of planning for regional tourism deserves to be monitored closely by decision-makers in other countries of the developing world which are focal points for this genre of Southern mass tourism. 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