26 TH OF JULY MOVEMENT. A revolution is not a trail of roses A revolution is a fight to the death between the future and the past.

Transcription

1 26 TH OF JULY MOVEMENT A revolution is not a trail of roses A revolution is a fight to the death between the future and the past. Fidel Castro

2 26 TH OF JULY MOVEMENT FLCS VI Delegates, It is with great pleasure that I welcome you all to FLCS VI. My name is Jonathan Muñoz and I will be directing the 26 th of July Movement this year. I am a senior at the University of Florida double majoring in Economics and International Studies. This will be the second committee I ve directed at FLCS, the first being the Euskadi Ta Askatasuna committee at FLCS IV. I served as the Crisis Coordinator for the Israeli/Palestine Peace Negotiations JCC at FLCS V. I am also the President of the University of Florida Model United Nations Organization. If you couldn t tell from my last name, my interest in this Castro s 26 th of July Movement, and Cuba in general, comes from my Cuban heritage. My mom was born in Cuba just a few years into the new Castro government and came to the United States in All of my grandparents were born and raised in Cuba and fled the country as political exiles after 1959 the year Castro s 26 th of July Movement finally reached Havana and forced Batista to step down. I am from Miami, Florida and have been raised hearing stories about Cuba both before and during Castro. However, I didn t get the idea for this committee until last year when I took a class about Cuban and Puerto Rican history taught by famous Cuban scholar and professor, Lillian Guerra. In my free time, I love playing and watching soccer, traveling, and spending hours on Reddit. Letter from the Director Although the began officially on July 26 th, 1953 when Fidel Castro led an attack on the Moncada military barracks just outside of Santiago de Cuba, this committee will start just after Castro and his group of revolutionaries have landed on the shores of Playa Las Coloradas in 1956 and retreated into the Sierra Maestra mountains due to heavy fire from the Cuban military. I, as the director of the committee, will be Fidel Castro while you all, the delegates, will be prominent members of the in Castro s inner circle. It is therefore your responsibility to expand the popularity of the movement and advance it westward to the capital city of Havana. Knowledge of the Spanish language will of course not be necessary for this 1

3 committee. However, for authenticity reasons, many crisis updates will be given in both Spanish and English. The risk of any historical committee like this one is that the delegates will try to follow history precisely. I do not want that. Of course, I highly encourage, and even require, all delegates to research the history of the revolution after the starting point of this committee (so 1957 to 1959) to get some great crisis ideas and to gain a solid grasp on the scope of what the guerillas of the 26 th of July Movement actually did to succeed in overthrowing Fulgencio Batista just over 55 years ago, but the crisis arc of this committee will diverge from the history you read in books so expect some curveballs y prepárate! Viva la Revolución, Jonathan Muñoz Director 26th of July Movement 2

4 Parliamentary Procedure Committee will operate in a perpetually moderated caucus. All delegates must vote during a procedural matter and procedural motions will require a simple majority to pass unless it is stated otherwise by the chair. Point of Order A point of order may interrupt a speech and may be used when a delegate feels the chair or another delegate is incorrectly following parliamentary procedure. Point of Inquiry A point of inquiry may not interrupt a speech and may be used to direct a question to the chair, but speeches will not be entertained using points of inquiry. Point of Parliamentary Inquiry A point of parliamentary inquiry may be used to ask a question to clarify a parliamentary procedure and cannot interrupt a speech. Point of Information A point of information may not interrupt a speech and can be used to clarify a point or motion, or to bring substantive information to the attention of the chair. Speeches will not be entertained using this point. Point of Personal Privilege A Point of Personal Privilege can be used when a delegate s ability to debate is harmed for any reason. This can be used to address temperature of the room or a delegate s inability to hear the speaker. This point can interrupt the speaker. Right of Reply Right of Reply can be used when a delegate feels that their dignity or integrity has been deliberately offended. Right of replies are to be written and sent to the chair. The chair will use chairs discretion as to when to invoke it. Motion for a Moderated Caucus A motion to enter a moderated caucus must specify the topic, length, and speaking time. Much of the committee will be spent in a moderated caucus. Motion for an Unmoderated Caucus A motion for an unmoderated caucus must only specify the length of time. Unmoderated caucuses should be used to work on notes and directives. Motion to Introduce Documents A motion to introduce documents must be made in order for them to be discussed in debate. 3

5 Motion to Split Directive Clauses A motion may be made to vote on directive clauses separately; requires a second and a majority to pass. 26th of July Movement 4 Introduction Background on Cuba A Brief History and a History of Rebellion As was the case in most of the Caribbean, the island of Cuba was home to a large, diverse Taíno and Ciboney population prior to the arrival of Spanish explorers in However, once the pursuit of wealth and gold brought Columbus to the northeastern coast of Cuba, the native population of the island remained powerless against the better-equipped Spanish forces. Interestingly, the native Indian legacy of Cuba today compared to those of other Latin American countries, particularly those in South America conquered by the Spanish, is relatively weak. One of the only remnants of Cuba s Taíno past that is still memorialized in the national identity of Cubans today is the story of Hatuey. Known as Cuba s First National Hero, Hatuey was a Taíno chief who had travelled by canoe from present-day Dominican Republic to Cuba in 1511 with his own army of natives to fight an incoming Spanish fleet led by Diego Velazquez. 1 Despite launching a three month long guerilla campaign in the hills outside Baracoa, Cuba, Hatuey was eventually captured and burned at the stake. Before his burning, a Spanish priest asked Hatuey to convert and be baptized. Hatuey asked, in reply, if there were a lot of Christians in Heaven. When the priest told him that there were, Hatuey said that he would rather go to hell. For the Cuban people, the story of Hatuey represents the beginning of centuries of fighting against imperialist and colonial powers exploiting the island s resources and oppressing its people. 1

6 For most of the early colonial period, Cuba was largely ignored by the Spanish. Unable to find gold or silver, the Spanish established a primary port in La Habana on the western side, a secondary port in Santiago de Cuba on the eastern side of the country, imported slaves to work agriculture, and continued on to the rest of the Caribbean and Central America. As the primary port and capital, Havana naturally became the epicenter of Spanish authority and culture on the islands the place where rich Spanish farmers lived for most of the year and were able to have all the luxuries they were used to back in Spain. It was only on religious holidays such as Christmas and Easter that these plantation owners would venture out eastward in the rural parts of the island to visit their slaves and plantation homes. This concentration of Spanish rule, goods, and culture in Havana led to the beginning of an uneven development between eastern Cuba and western Cuba that still remains today and plays a prominent role in many nationalist movements, like the. The province of Oriente, specifically, developed with the greatest autonomy from Spanish rule. As a result, this province became the birthplace of the first slave rebellion in Cuba. Following a 1670 law that took the private slaves and copper mine of El Cobre (the name of the copper mine) and made them property of the Spanish crown, the slaves, who had enjoyed considerable freedom under their previous owner, rebelled and threatened to escape into the nearby mountains if the crown did not meet their list of demands. After several years, the crown finally yielded. One of the conditions for returning to the copper mines of El Cobre was that the slaves would be able to receive their own conucos, or small individual garden plots that they could use to grown their own crops for subsistence. By carefully cultivating tobacco on their conucos and trading it to Spanish merchants, or even pirates at the nearby port of Santiago de Cuba, some of the more crafty slaves were even able to buy their own freedom. The empowerment of black slaves in Oriente and the independence they gained through defiance of Spanish authority is a powerful historical memory for the Afro-Cuban population and the Cuban national identity. A major turning point in the development of Cuba and its slave society came in 1762 when a British fleet arrived on the shores of Cuba and took Havana by siege. Although the British only held the island for roughly eight months, this Year of Happiness, as the planter elite called it, brought sweeping changes to the Cuban society and economy. In opening trade with its colonies in North America, the British converted Cuba into a primarily sugarproducing island. Because sugar is a labor-intensive crop that requires workers to manually cut sugarcane and work in the large refineries on each plantation, thousands of slaves from West Africa were imported to Cuba and put to work on vast plantations across the country. Unlike tobacco, which required artisan care and cultivation, sugar could be mass-produced and required extensive labor to harvest and refine. By the time the Spanish regained control of Cuba from the British, the wealthy planter class had already become too accustomed to their large plantations and barracks full of West African slaves. Following the Haitian Revolution in 1804 in which slaves overthrew the French colonizers and claimed their freedom, Cuba became the center of slave labor in the Caribbean. The English occupation had given the island the initial economic boost it needed. When the slave uprisings and the destruction of properties occurred in Haiti, Cuba was ready to become the sugar bowl of the Caribbean, and she soon replaced Haiti as the supplier of European sugar. 2 By the mid 19 th century, slaves and freed persons of color outnumbered the white population of the island as many freed persons moved to the major cities and worked lower-end service jobs such as 5 2 Suchlicki, Jaimie. Cuba: From Columbus to Castro. 45

7 carriage driver and cook. The growing black population on the island, and the worsening conditions slaves were subjected to on sugar plantations, quickly spread fears of a potential slave rebellion similar to that of Haiti. 26th of July Movement 6 The Ten Years War ( ) By the mid 19 th century, Cuban society remained heavily divided on its view for the future of Cuba. With the Spanish government raising taxes on Cuban sugar exports and refusing to grant Cuban citizens representation in the legislative process, most Cubans agreed that they needed to seek independence from the colonial power if reform could not be achieved; however, it was on this issue of independence that the island was divided. As more and more New World colonies began producing sugar for export, sugar prices decreased and, in the process, forced smaller Cuban sugar planters to go out of business and to be acquired by the larger plantations. Consequentially, an incredibly wealthy and influential elite class of sugar planters in Cuba formed in the Western side of the island. Hoping to expand their markets and sell their sugar tariff-free, this elite class, based mainly in Havana and Matanzas, lobbied heavily for annexation by the United States. They looked to the example of Texas, a former Mexican territory, whose cotton-planting elite had gained independence and then annexation to the United States through bloodshed and negotiation. This small group of wealthy planters founded the Havana Club, an organization whose goal was to Americanize Cuba and lobby American lawmakers to push for the annexation of the island. They even opened an office in New York City and gained the support of the famous expansionist, writer, and statesman, John L O Sullivan, who famously coined the term manifest destiny. By selling bonds and campaigning for donations from wealthy, pro-slavery Southerners looking to break into the sugar industry in Cuba, the Havana Club was able to raise enough money to finance a military campaign to fight for Cuba s independence. Rather than creating a local grassroots movement within Cuba, these western sugar moguls hired the famous Venezuelan expeditionary and soldier, Narciso Lopez, to lead what became known as the Filibuster Campaign. Despite support from many U.S. Senators and a diverse army of hundreds of soldiers from Europe, Central America, and the Southern United States, Lopez s two invasions of Cuba in 1950 and then 1951 via the port city of Matanzas failed largely because the local population did not take up arms to support his men. Although Cubans in the eastern part of the country also wanted to separate from the Spanish crown, they believed in a fully independent Cuba that would be ushered into the new age with sweeping liberal reforms. This movement for independence was led by Carlos Manuel de Céspedes, the well-educated son of

8 a wealthy landowning family from Oriente. After receiving his bachelor s degree and doctorate in law in Spanish universities, Céspedes returned to Cuba to begin practicing law but soon became displeased with the tyranny of Spanish social policy in Cuba. Once he had gained the proper support, Carlos Manuel de Céspedes issued the famous Grito de Yara from his plantation in Oriente province to proclaim the independence of Cuba from Spain. With this declaration of independence he also freed all the slaves on his plantation and urged them to join his army as they would march westward to Havana and liberate the island. The manifesto stated that the revolt was prompted by Spain s arbitrary government, excessive taxation, corruption, exclusions of Cubans from government employment, and deprivation of political and religious liberty it called for complete independence from Spain, the establishment of a republic with universal suffrage, and for the indemnified emancipation of slaves. 3 By 1869, the movement had also created a constitution that established a republican government. Despite Cespedes leadership, it was Máximo Gómez, a Dominican war veteran, who became the hero and most prominent figure of the Ten Years War. Trained in guerrilla warfare, Gómez, with the help of the famous mulatto soldier and hero Antonio Maceo, taught the Cuban guerrilla fighters (known as mambises) how to ambush their enemy and use the thick forest terrain to their advantage. The legendary tactic used by these mambises, most of whom were liberated black slaves, was the machete charge. The movement for independence ultimately ended in failure with the Peace of Zanjon in 1878, in great part due to internal racial divides within the independence movement. Specifically, many conservative Cubans who supported the movement were uncomfortable with the prominence of blacks in leadership positions and feared that the new government would be over-run with Afro- Cubans and that Maceo and Gómez would establish a Negro republic. As a result, Cespedes demoted Gomez, and then later in 1873 was himself deposed as the internal organization and logistics of the movement deteriorated because of poor leadership and lack of supplies being sent from the exile community in the United States. 4 Despite the failure of the Ten Years War and the subsequent Little War (La Guerra Chiquita), the Cuban people caught a glimpse of a truly independent Cuba and began to develop their own unique national identity, including the Cuban flag and national anthem. Even more, the Ten Years War paved the way for arguably the most important figure in Cuban history: José Martí. José Martí Hero, Nationalist, Writer, Poet, Philosopher, and Icon. Born in Havana on January 28, 1853 to Spanish immigrant parents, Martí, by the age of sixteen, had been published in the pro-independence newspaper La Patria Libre (The Free Homeland) and had devoted himself to the cause for freedom in Cuba. Although he was a welleducated young man, Martí s anti-spanish writings and actions forced him into prison with several months of hard labor and then into exile in Spain in While in exile he received a degree in philosophy and law from the University of Zaragoza in Then he traveled around 7 3 Suchlicki, Jaimie. Cuba: From Columbus to Castro Suchlicki, Jaimie. Cuba: From Columbus to Castro. 69

9 Europe, lived and worked as a journalist in Mexico, moved to Guatemala where me met his wife, was deported back to Spain but fled to France, and spent time in Venezuela before finally making residence in New York City in It was in New York City that Martí began garnering the support of the vast Cuban exile community across the United States and organizing a new independence movement. Martí believed that the new nation was to be based on the close collaboration of all social classes and not on the struggle of one class against another. 6 Martí was also very skeptical of allowing any U.S. aid or involvement in a newly independent Cuba since he had seen the evils of imperialism and economic exploitation under Spain. Although he was not inherently against free enterprise, Martí advocated for a more humanitarian approach to economics that focused on justice for the poor and working class. Working alongside the famous Maximo Gomez and Antonio Maceo, Marti spent much of his time in the U.S. traveling to Cuban exile communities around the country to raise funds and gain support for his new independence party el Partido Revolucionario Cubano (PRC). By 1985, just before his return to Cuba, Jose Martí traveled and held events for the PRC among Cuban clubs in Washington, Philadelphia, Tampa (Ybor City specifically), Miami, Key West, Haiti, the Dominican Republic, and Jamaica. The 1895 War of Independence and the Spanish-American War 26th of July Movement 8 Following the declaration of the Manifesto of Montecristi, which enumerated the ideology of the independence movement, Marti and the rest of the PRC leadership departed for Cuba on April of 1895 to begin their War of Independence. A major part of the Manifesto of Montecristi focused on the role of blacks in an independent Cuba. It stated that blacks were crucial in the fight for independence and as a result they would fight alongside whites on the battlefield. Naturally, the War of Independence began in the eastern Oriente province with local insurrections being organized by members of the PRC. Since the Spanish government had banned the possession of weapons by private individuals during the Ten Years War, traditional combat was replaced by guerilla warfare once again. Most guns were obtained by raids on Spanish arsenals or taken off of the bodies of dead Spanish soldiers. Within months of the invasion, the movement had already gained control of Oriente as they started to look westward. A major blow was dealt to the independence fighters in May of 1895 when José Martí, a relatively inexperienced fighter, was killed in battle when charging into a Spanish line of defense during battle. With the leader of the movement gone, Gomez and Maceo took charge and pushed their rag-tag forces westward with even greater vigor and dedication than twenty years prior. They knew that in order to gain independence from the Spanish they had to take control of Havana and Pinar del Rio where the majority of Spanish wealth was concentrated. The unity of blacks and whites alike in the war effort combined with the local support they had from civilians allowed Gomez and Maceo to successfully reach the westernmost tip of the island in January of Success seemed imminent until Spain appointed a new Governor of Cuba, Valeriano Weyler. This change in leadership also changed the tides of the war. 4 Through the use of brutal terror tactics and policies, Weyler was able to suppress the civilian populations from which the independence movement gained most of its support. Among the tactics employed by Weyler were frequent executions and resettlement of civilians into concentration camps outside major cities. 7 The death of Maceo in December 1896 coupled with dwindling arms shipments from their exile supporters outside of Cuba forced the independence fighters to give up much of the territory they had 7 Suchlicki, Jaimie. Cuba: From Columbus to Castro. 79

10 gained in the months prior. Hoping to change their strategy and bolster civilian support, La Republica en Armas, the name given to the provisional government of the independence movement, adopted a new constitution in 1897 that gave military command of troops to civilian rule. The plethora of U.S. companies and interests operating in Cuba at the time gave the U.S. a stake in the Cuban War of Independence. Additionally, just 90 miles away from Key West, Cuba was seen not only as a business opportunity to open up more markets for U.S. companies selling goods, but also a strategic stronghold to exert control of the rest of the hemisphere. However, with memories of the Civil War still plaguing the country, the U.S. could not enter into another war without a just reason. One of the primary factors that helped shift Americans attitude towards Cuban independence was the heavy coverage journalists gave to the conditions on the island. This yellow journalism, as it became known, often exaggerated what was happening in Cuba and used grotesque images and descriptions to appeal to the emotions of the readers. The American people soon felt it was their moral responsibility to help the Cuban people and free them from the tyranny of the Spanish. The explosion of the USS Maine in Havana Harbor, and more specifically the journalistic sensationalism that followed in February of 1898, gave the U.S. the perfect justification for declaring war on Spain. As we will see, this would not be the last time that U.S. journalists in Cuba heavily influenced the opinions of the American people and, therefore, the policy of the U.S. The Platt Amendment and U.S. Occupation By July of 1898, the Treaty of Paris was signed to end the Spanish-American War. Although the Treaty granted independence for Cuba, the Cuban independence movement had no representation in the peace negotiation and as a result the conditions laid out by the Treaty of Paris impeded a truly independent Cuban nation. A U.S. military government was established on the island from 1898 to 1902 to ensure a peaceful transition of democratic power to the Cuban people. During this transition period, many of the lands that were destroyed or taken during the war were given to U.S. sugar companies to re-develop and make profitable. Prior to transferring power to the new Cuban government in 1902, the U.S. Congress passed the Platt Amendment. The new Cuban government was required to add the entirety of the Platt Amendment. The Platt Amendment prohibited Cuba from signing treaties with any foreign powers for military purposes, and gave the U.S. the right to intervene in Cuban affairs in order to preserve its independence. 8 5 The Platt Amendment also gave Guantanamo Bay to the United States. It is clear that although Cuba had gained its independence from Spain, it was far from a sovereign state. Despite the repeal of the Platt Amendment in 1934, the years leading up to that gave the U.S. unbridled control and influence in Cuban affairs, from politics to the economy, that would mold the way Cuba developed as a sovereign country and leave a lasting legacy of suspicious and duplicitous U.S. involvement on the island

11 26th of July Movement Batista s Coups and the Years of Democracy The First Coup Although the U.S. military occupiers were gone from the country, the 1924 elections saw a victory by a largely pro-u.s. candidate. To be clear, President Gerardo Machado used the U.S. almost as much as the U.S. used Cuba. During a time where sugar prices were declining and new harvesting technologies allowed for larger yields, Machado realized the economic benefits a close relationship with the U.S. could have. Beyond the immense market that the U.S. offered Cuban sugar producers, many U.S. sugar companies also invested in Cuba and made use of vacant land, allowing the government to gain more in tax revenue. This tax revenue proved particularly important for the Machado administration since his presidency was marked by massive public works projects that completely transformed the landscape of Cuba. Hoping to Westernize Cuba and attract foreign investments, Machado began construction on massive infrastructure projects like the Carretera Central, the central highway that ran across the entire country, and El Capitolio, the extravagantly regal Cuban Congress building. Extravagance, lavishness, and corruption soon became a trademark of the Macahado administration. Because of the massive infrastructure projects, the unemployment rate reached an all-time low as the government was responsible for being the primary employer of Cuban citizens. This led to vast corruption and sluggishness in the robust public sector. Additionally, as Machado moved into his campaign for re-election in 1928, the tax revenue was simply not enough to sustain public spending on employee payroll and his famous infrastructure projects. In order to ensure his victory for his second term, Machado made constitutional changes that would make it easier for him to win. This blatant disregard for democracy and the constitution proved to sew the seeds for his demise later. What proved more unpopular and offensive to the Cuban people, however, was the transformation of Havana into a criminal haven for U.S. gangsters and millionaires. The plight of the poor and the middle-class in Havana was particularly brutal following the 1929 stock market crash as luxurious hotels and casinos bustled with activity and foreign wealth just a few miles away from the poverty of the Cuban people. Within two years of his second term, the country was marked by corruption, political instability, and economic disaster. 10 In response to the failures of the Machado administration, several opposition groups formed calling for Machado to step-down or be replaced. However, his tight grip on the Cuban Congress and his reforms to the constitution made it practically impossible for a democratic change of power. As a result, on September 4, 1933 a noncommissioned stenography from the Cuban army staged a coup with his fellow sergeants as they began arresting their superiors and quickly took over command of the rest of the island s military forces. This Sergeant s Revolution was led by Fulgencio Batista, a mulatto Cuban that had grown up in poverty in Oriente province but through hard work had risen to the position of sergeant in the army. Once in control of the army, Machado appointed himself Chief of the Armed Forces and

12 forced Machado to step down. In order to ensure the success of his coup, Batista made sure to establish alliances with the other opposition groups such as labor unions, veterans from the Cuban War of Independence, student groups like the Federacion Estudiantil Universitario, and even the U.S. Ambassador Sumner Welles. 96 Interestingly, Batista did not immediately take over the role of President. Instead, Batista established a five-member presidency known as the Pentarchy of This Pentarchy was comprised of four representatives of the anti- Machado factions and the representative from the students and professor group of the University of Havana. Ramon Grau San Martin, was soon appointed President of Cuba; however, Batista remained with considerable power and influence over government. With the backing of U.S. Ambassador Sumner Welles, Batista made Grau step-down after only a few months as president. Between 1934 and 1940 Batista ruled through a series of puppet presidents. The Years of Democracy In 1940, Fulgencio Batista ran for president with the Democratic Socialist Coalition and won in a landslide victory, greatly due to the support he received from the Communist party and its labor unions. During his four years as President, Batista was relatively moderate, implementing an array of social and economic reforms that had been agreed upon during the writing of the new Cuban Constitution in As Batista s four years in office came to a close in 1944, it came as a surprise to many when he announced that he would not be running for re-election but instead would support his fellow party member, Carlos Zayas. Despite Batista s attempt to sabotage the opponent s campaign, Ramon Grau San Martin won in the free and fair election of For the first time years in Cuba, power had been peacefully transferred through a proper democratic process. After his first term had ended, Batista left to Daytona Beach, Florida, claiming he felt safer in the U.S. 107 Democracy, to some extent, remained in Cuba for the next eight years until The Second Coup After being elected in Santa Clara province to the Cuban Senate in 1948, Fulgencio Batista returned to his homeland once more. By this time, Carlos Prio Socarras had succeeded Grau San Martin as President of Cuba in a free and fair election. Despite Socarras respect for civic liberties, his administration quickly became dominated by blatant corruption. Public officials lined their own pockets with bribes from wealthy foreign investors looking to buy land or do work in Cuba. Many political organizations even turned to violence as their only means to enact change. Assassination or assault of elected officials soon became the norm in the streets of Havana. In this decaying political atmosphere, Fulgencio Batista once again saw an opportunity to rise to power and proclaim himself the champion of Cuban democracy. During the election of 1952 Fulgencio Batista ran for president against Carlos Hevia of the Autentico Party and Roberto Agramonte of the Ortodoxo Party, which had formed as a leftwing nationalist just a few years prior. Though vague, the platform of the Ortodoxo Party advocated for a nationalistic program of economic independence, political liberty, social justice, and honest government. 11 The Orthodox Party had gained particularly strong support from students at the University of Havana, among them a young law student by the name of Fidel Castro. As the election approached, Batista appeared to be polling in last. However, using his connections and allegiances in the Cuban army he was once the self-proclaimed 11 9 Suchlicki, Jaimie. Cuba: From Columbus to Castro Patterson, Thomas. Contesting Castro. 16

13 commander of, Batista staged his second military coup on March 10, The U.S. had conveniently failed to warn President Prio Socarras of Batista s plans and Willard Beulac, the American Ambassador in Havana at the time, claimed it had come as a complete surprise to everyone. 118Within hours, Batista had deposed Socarras and seized power as the provisional president of Cuba. Once he had assured the U.S. Ambassador that he would not establish ties with the Communist Party and would be open to private enterprise on the island, Batista s new government received diplomatic recognition and support from the U.S. Cuba Today 26th of July Movement Batista s Poverty, Corruption, and Police State 12 Although the Cuban economy had already been on the decline when Batista came to power, his economic policies only worsened the income gap between the upper elite class living in the major cities (mainly Havana) and the lower class living in the countryside. As discussed previously, this rural-urban divide proves a consistent issue for Cuban politics. Ironically, Havana soon returned to the extravagance and hedonism it had seen under Machado in the 1930s. In establishing close ties with the Jewish and Italian mobs of New York, Batista converted Cuba s capital city into a playground for the wealthiest criminals in the world. One of the most frequent visitors to Cuba at the time, and close friend of Batista, was the notorious Italian mobster, Lucky Luciano. Some of the profits earned from Luciano s casinos, prostitution rings, and drug dealing in Havana always found its way into the pockets of Batista and his Cuban elite companions. Additionally, payments to local police officers in the streets of Havana helped them turn a blind eye to the ongoing street violence and shootings. Because Batista allowed American companies great liberty in Cuba, he also received unbridled support in the early years of his reign from U.S. Congressmen and millionaires. Batista offered major tax breaks or outright tax exemptions to hotel and casinos looking to open operations in Cuba, in exchange for payment to obtain a gambling license and a percentage of the profits the business received in Cuba. Meanwhile, Cubans living outside the city faced severe poverty. Because sugar was a seasonal crop, many families who depended on income from working the sugarcane fields struggled during the winter months. Batista s policies did not address agrarian reform and much of Cuba s fertile lands were held, often unused, by large foreign companies trying to push out competition and keep prices high. Lack of schooling in the rural parts of the country only reinforced the cycle of poverty. Additionally, important infrastructure like roads and hospitals began to crumble as the government refused to spend money on maintenance in rural areas Suchlicki, Jaimie. Cuba: From Columbus to Castro. 126 Patterson, Thomas. Contesting Castro. 17

14 Despite Batista s leniency in regulating and policing the streets of Havana for illicit gang activity, his administration quickly became infamous for its strict, draconian national police force. With no actual culpability for their actions, the national police force worked diligently to suppress any suspicious anti-batista activity, often using tactics and policies that directly violated the Cuban constitution. Censorship became a particularly popular tactic used by the Batista regime during the 1950s. In reinstating La Ley Mordaza, or Muzzle Law, Batista s police had the power to arrest and detain any individual suspected of speaking out against the government. The monopoly on violence and oppression that the police had over the Cuban people soon created a state of fear and resentment towards the Batista government. Anti-Batista Groups Federacion Estudiantil Universitario Although this University of Havana student group initially started in the 1920s to campaign for the autonomy of the University from the government at the time, it had transformed into a prominent, vocal civil liberty group by the time of Batista. The Federacion Estudiantil Universitario (FEU) openly criticized Batista s security policies and tyrannical restriction of basic constitutional liberties, such as freedom of speech and freedom of assembly. At first, FEU showed its opposition to the Batista administration by organizing protests and marches through the streets of Havana. Additionally, the FEU used its publications Alma Mater and Juventud to disseminate their anti-batista views. The most effective of FEU s tools, however, remained its vast network of alumni and active members enrolled in universities across the country. The FEU is seen as one of the few remaining respectable institutions devoid of corruption and power-hungry politicians. Under the dynamic leadership of Jose Antonio Echeverria, the FEU took its anti-batista campaigning to a new level. Echeverria and the leadership of the organization created an armed militant wing of the organization to more effectively bring about change. The Directorio Revolucionario (DR), as it became known, armed activist members of FEU and launched attacks on Batista s police forces and weapon stockpiles held by the government. In some of its more daring plots, the DR is believed to have attempted assassinations on major political figures with ties to Batista, though known have succeeded to date. Hoping to form a united, anti-batista front, Jose Antonio Echeverria met with Fidel Castro while in Mexico to work out an agreement to merge the two: the DR and the. However, because the two had different views on how to oust Batista and the form of governance that would follow, an agreement was never reached. Today, the two groups work towards a common goal but also compete for support, attention, and legitimacy. Assault on Moncada Barracks A young lawyer and graduate of the University of Havana by the name of Fidel Castro had risen up the ranks of the Ortodoxo Party by the time Batista launched his second coup in Like most, Castro saw Batista s coup as a blatantly unconstitutional atrocity and a destruction of Cuban democracy. Because the Cuban Congress under Batista had no actual power, Castro sought a solution outside party politics to bring about political and social change. Recruiting from the lower rank and file of the Ortodoxo Party, Castro organized a group of nearly 160 individuals to take up arms as he planned an assault on a major military 13

15 barrack in Santiago de Cuba in Oriente province. Operating through a system of clandestine cells, Castro began training his rebels at the University of Havana and at firing ranges around the city. It is important to note the demographic of these chosen rebels that were to help Castro launch an attack on the Moncada barracks: the vast majority were unskilled laborers or in the lowest jobs of the service industry, like delivery boys or street vendors, and almost all of the rebels were below the age of 30 and only four had received a college degree. It is clear that Castro s movement appealed to the lowest castes of Cuban society those whom Batista had ignored and failed to provide services to. Furthermore, Castro also began rallying general support for his movement by passionately preaching the need for social justice and equality in the poorest neighborhoods of Havana. After nearly a year of preparation, Castro and his 160 rebels mobilized their attack. The plan was to capture the barracks, steal the weapons, spread those weapons to supporters around the city of Santiago, and use the Santiago radio station to broadcast the speeches of the late Ortodoxo Party leader Eduardo Chibas to begin a peasant revolt in Santiago that would spread across the country. Although the rebels were armed with a motley of guns stolen or bought from third-party dealers over the past year, they were ordered to not attack anyone unless they were confronted with armed resistance. 26th of July Movement On July 26 th, 1953 Castro, his brother Raul, and his rebels drove a caravan of automobiles onto the base and began their attack. However, because of poor planning, the attack ended in what seemed to be a disastrous failure. One of the cars containing a majority of the weapons got lost. Many rebels had to stay behind due to scarcity of weapons. Finally, an entire group of rebels began their attack before they were inside the barrier of the barracks. As a result, the outnumbered rebels were soon overpowered by the military and forced to surrender. While many were executed on the spot, the majority were put on trial for insurrection and conspiracy against the government. Almost all those on trial were found guilty and sentenced to time in prison on the Isle of Pines, including both Fidel and Raul Castro. Although the attack had failed, the story of this group of young, naïve boys taking a stand against a tyrannical government appealed to many. While in jail, Castro was able to keep the movement alive through his underground network of supporters. And thus was born the 26 th of July Movement (M-26-7). 14 Exile in Mexico and Tour of the United States With the public calling for Castro s amnesty and Batista s unpopularity reaching an all-time high, Batista decided to release Castro, and the rest of the Moncada prisoners. Because Batista kept a close eye on Castro after his release, Castro decided to leave to Mexico and start the resurrection of his movement there. Prior to leaving Cuba, Castro vowed

16 to return one day in order to liberate the people of Cuba, just as Jose Marti had promised. Castro often evoked the nationalist image of Marti in his speeches denouncing the Batista regime and its close ties to the U.S. Before settling in Mexico, Castro, much like Marti, did a brief tour of the U.S. in which he visited major Cuban exile communities and organizations in search of support both financially and politically. The M-26-7 soon began to sell its own bonds in order to finance the purchase of supplies for training rebels in Mexico, including guns, radios, and uniforms. In Mexico, Castro began to train his rebels, many of whom were survivors of the Moncada attack though some were also new revolutionaries who had joined after hearing Castro s passionate speeches. It was in Mexico that Castro met Ernesto Che Guevara, a well-traveled Argentinian doctor and self-proclaimed freedom fighter. Guevara proved particularly helpful to Castro because of his extensive experience and knowledge of guerilla warfare. Within months, Che became one of Castro s top advisors. Beyond training his men in combat, Castro also made sure the was not forgotten in Cuba by maintaining contact with his supporters there and constantly publishing speeches or updates on the M-26-7 s progress. La Granma Yacht Invasion With months of preparation in Mexico behind them, the rebels now got ready for their long-awaited invasion of Cuba that would inspire a series of revolts across the country. The rebels first needed to find a means of transportation from Mexico to Cuba. Because bond revenue was not enough to finance the acquisition of weapons as well as a means of transportation to Cuba, Fidel Castro turned to former Cuban president, Prio Socarras, who was now living in exile in Miami. According to sources, Castro jumped in the Rio Grande and swam across the Mexican-American border to Texas in order to meet Socarras who had travelled to McAllen, Texas to speak to Castro Socarras liked the enthusiastic and hopeful Castro and agreed to partially fund his movement. Using a $70,000 loan from Socarras, the purchased La Granma, a 62-foot yacht from an American living in Mexico City. 13 Under the leadership of Castro, the rebels planned to leave Veracruz, Mexico on November 25, 1956 and land in secrecy on the shores of Playa Coloradas in Oriente province on November 30 th. They would then be met on the beaches by the jeeps, trucks, food, guns, and support troops that the underground movement on the island had assembled in their absence Simultaneous to their landing would be an uprising by M comrades at the nearby city of Santiago de Cuba. The M-26-7 exiles would then meet up with the other rebels and they would initiate their campaign to liberate Oriente province city by city from the tyranny of Fulgencio Batista before spreading the movement westward onto Havana. Much to the dismay of El Commandante Fidel Castro, all did not go as planned. As the 83 rebels left Veracruz, Mexico on November 30, 1956, they soon discovered that the 62 ft yacht was less seaworthy than they thought. Designed for a max capacity of 12 people, La Granma immediately faced mechanical issues as it took to the open seas. This issues, coupled with stormy seas and heavy rains, laid siege on the rebels aboard the Granma. The journey planned for four days turned into seven days of hell as the men aboard grew seasick and faced food and portable water shortages. 7 Rather than being greeted by Patterson, Thomas. Contesting Castro Patterson, Thomas. Contesting Castro. 69.

17 reinforcements and supplies on La Playa de los Colorados, the 82 rebels were greeted by enemy gunfire from the military planes of Batista flying overhead. Batista agents had learned of the Granma s departure from Mexico and that the Cuban military had airlifted troops to Oriente Province to await the rebel expedition. 7 Dodging fire from above, the rebels jumped off La Granma into waist-deep water carrying their weapons and supplies above their head. Once onshore, the rebels quickly retreated inland as they ran and hid from Batista s troops for nearly three days. They hid on farms and in sugarcane fields, eating whatever crops lay nearby. With the rebellion in Santiago de Cuba crushed by Batista, they lacked the support to go public and rally the peasants, as they had planned. Instead, the rebels tactfully retreated in the dense Sierra Maestra Mountain Range. And this is where the committee begins. Of the 82 men aboard La Granma, only 16 survived. It is these men, and some of the local M-26-7 leaders that had been awaiting the arrival of Castro, that are now in the Sierra Maestra planning the resurgence of the. Although the invasion did not go as planned, the Movement still maintains connections and support across the country. However, it is the responsibly of these individuals to lead the underground, grassroots movement to prominence and expel Fulgencio Batista from power to establish a government that would bring liberty and equality to the Cuban people. 26th of July Movement Positions Below is an overview of the positions in this committee. Because not all of the identities of the original members of the M-26-7 are known today, some of the positions include individuals who were not actually part of La Grandma invasion on December 2, 1956, but simply joined the movement later. Since many of these individuals are still alive and members of Castro s communist government, online information on some positions is scarce. While it is obviously still important to know your position, it is more important to know the history and context of the revolution. Understand what else is going on in Cuba at the time and how the real Cuban Revolution unfolded sixty years ago. Creativity with what you ve been provided is the most important tool for success. 1.! Raúl Castro Brother of Fidel Castro and son of Angel Castro, a Galician immigrant to Cuba who worked his way up from being a laborer for the United Fruit Company to owning his own large plantation and amassing a small fortune. Raul was born in northern Oriente Province in the small town of Biran and became a devout member of the Socialist Youth, an affiliate of the Partido Socialista Popular, during his teen years. Alongside Fidel, Raul was responsible for organizing the July 26, 1953 attacks on the Moncada Barracks. Because of his involvement with the Socialist Youth he has contacts within the Soviet Union and the KGB. As one of the primary ideological leaders and original founders of the, Raul Castro also has great influence on the direction of the movement ! Ernesto Che Guevara An Argentinean born rebel that joined the 26 th of July Movement after meeting Raul and Fidel in Mexico City during their year of exile in Che Guevara is the only genuine Marxist in the after having traveled all across South America and living among the poor, witnessing the evils of

18 capitalist exploitation by the United States. He lived in Guatemala during the U.S.- backed coup that removed the democratically elected Jacobo Arbenz. Also traveled to Peru, Chile, Ecuador, Colombia, Venezuela, and Miami. Che received his doctorate in medicine from the University of Buenos Aires in ! Camilo Cienfuegos Born to working-class parents in Havana, Camilo Cienfuegos spent much of his youth as a tailor apprentice in the city of Havana. In 1953, Cienfuegos spent spent several months traveling around the United States working low-paying jobs in cities like New York, Chicago, and San Francisco. He was soon deported and returned back to Cuba. In 1954, he started his political activism after joining an underground student movement against Fulgencio Batista. In fact, he was shot in Havana on his way back from placing a wreath on the statue of Revolutionary hero Antonio Maceo. After leaving Cuba in 1956, Cienfuegos went to Mexico and befriended the Castros before joining the. Though a great soldier and guerilla renown for his bravery, Cienfuegos is also known for being a pacifist and avoiding unnecessary violence. 4.! Huber Matos- Born in Oriente Province, Huber Matos worked as a school teacher in Manzanillo and was a member of the el Partido Ortodoxo, the Cuban Nationalist Party. While the rest of the M-26-7 Movement trained in Mexico, Matos was in Costa Rica providing logistical and organizational support to the movement. As a result, Matos is the best-equipped for helping the organization procure weapons and funds from outside of Cuba due to his extensive contacts and experiences. Despite his support for the M-26-7 Movement, Matos is staunchly opposed to communist ideals. 5.! Juan Almeida Bosque- Born in Havana and befriended a young Fidel Castro while studying law at the University of Havana in After helping lead the attack on the Moncada Barracks, Almedia Bosque was sent to prison with the Castro brothers in the Isle of Pines and then released on amnesty and exiled to Mexico with the rest of the 26 th of July Movement members. He is a symbol for the Afro-Cuban population because of the color of his skin and is known to be a great marksman and brave soldier. 6.! Carlos Franqui- Despite his humble upbringing in the rural Camaguey province of Cuba, Carlos Franqui quickly rose in the ranks of the Cuban Communist Party (Partido Socialista Popular) and by the age of 20 was a professional organizer for the party responsible for strengthening party membership in smaller towns outside of Havana. Although Franqui did not land on the shores of Playa Colorada with the rest of the rebels, his involvement in the came in the form of the Revolución, the underground newspaper he ran to disseminate information and propaganda about the movement. Carlos Franqui is not a fighter, but instead a writer and poet. 7.! Norberto Collado Abreu The captain of La Granma yacht that led the M-26-7 rebels from Tuxpan, Mexico to Cuba. Before joining the rebel group, Collado Abreu was a member of the Cuban Navy during the Second World War. After the war, Collado was jailed and sent to the Isle of Pines for conspiring against the state and speaking out against the Batista government. It was in the Isle of Pines Prison that Norberto met the Castro brothers and joined the. He is the only member of the movement with formal military and naval experience ! Frank Pais Although involved in the Attack on the Moncada Barracks, Pais escaped imprisonment. Rather than moving to Mexico to train with the M-26-7 rebels, Pais