EVOLUTION OF MADRAS AS AN URBAN CENTRE

Transcription

1 CHAPTER l EVOLUTION OF MADRAS AS AN URBAN CENTRE EVOLUTION OF URBANIZATION IN SOUTH INDIA Cities in South India have varying morphological structures and patterns evolved during their various historical periods. During the early and middle Hindu periods (upto AD 1300), temples were the nuclei of many centres. Seaborne trade also stimulated the growth of port towns. During the later Hindu period (AD ) in order to check the Muslim invasion, forts were constructed in most of the centres and subsequently they became the nuclei for urban growth. In some cases there were two nuclei (temple and fort).existing in tandem. During the Muslim period ( ) recurrent wars and battles retarded the growth of cities. However, the introduction of garrisons and contonments by the British stimulated urban growth by establishing political stability. Factors like administrative functions, introduction of Railways, Medical and Educational facilities were also responsible for the growth of cities during this time. MORPHOLOGICAL EVOLUTION OF MADRAS The growth of Madras demonstrates a pattern which is completely at variance with those of cities in the rest of South India. In Madras there is no

2 ancient tradition associated with a centrally positioned temple or pilgrimage centre, no long established kingdom for which the city functioned as a royal capital, no large contrasts between cantonment and civilian areas of the city. Madras might well be characterized as an Anglo-Indian city, a product of the close interaction of Indian and European efforts aimed primarily at trade and commerce. Madras came into existence, as a small trading factory only in the 17th Century after the advent of the British. The growth in status as well as the size of the city is inextricably linked with the expansion of British commercial enterprise through the performance of the port function. Now the capital of Tamil Nadu State and the largest city in South India, Madras is the fourth ranking urban centre in the country. The morphological evolution of Madras has been quite unlike those of the cities which expanded from a single centre (eg. Madurai) or from a double nuclei (eg. Coimbatore) or from different nuclei at different periods (eg. Hyderabad). In Madras no nuclear points can be identified, with the possible exception of Fort St. George whose nuclear influence, however, is limited. More accurately, Madras grew as a composite of a number of loosely linked self-contained villages in and around Fort. St. George which have subsequently coalesced into an urban entity, (Fig. 1.1). Even now one may see within the city a number of neighbourhoods such as Chetpet, Chindadripet, Komaleswaranpet, Elumbore (Egmore), Muthialpet, Nungambakkam, Perambur, Purasawalkam, Tondiarpet, Triplicane, Vepery and Vyasarpadi, which existed as separate neighbouring villages during the 17th century.

3 Some of the villages had an important temple as the nucleus; Mylapore, Triplicane. Purasawalkam and Komaleswaranpet are the best examples. Similarly, Santhome (from the Portuguese Sao Tome) came into existence and grew around a church containing the tomb of the christian apostle St. Thomas. Each village had in addition to temples churches or mosques, its own bazaars, service castes and separate functions. It is the self-contained nature of these villages that was the distinguishing fact in the development of settlement patterns in Madras. Such characteristics have persisted, making the structure of Madras unlike that of Calcutta, Bombay or other larger Indian cities where Industrialization played a more significant role. 'The population of Madras is really the ordinary population of an Indian village multiplied many times'.' Different versions exist regarding the nomenclature of the city, but it appears probable that Madras has its origin from the name 'Madharasakuppam' (Kuppam means village in the Tamil Language). Madras also has been known as 'Chennai' or 'Chennaipattanam'. This is a reference to another village 'Chennaikuppam', very near to where the Fort came to be sited. Both of these villages grew around the fort and hence the city has taken either name, Madras or Chennai. At present both places are merged in the George town area. The site conditions in the Madras area are not conducive to urban developments. None of the three natural waterways in the vicnity of Madras is navigable and none offers much in the way of natural harbour facilities. The site is level, almost featureless, and low lying, mostly between 15 feet and 20 feet above sea level. In both North and South of the City lagoons and marshes have restricted expansion, and the low gradient of the local streams have aggravated sewage disposal problems and hindered provision of water supply. Perhaps the

4 most logical urban site, the large island in the Cooum river was too accessible in the long dry season and low and marshy otherwise. Even the situation of Madras was not overly advantageous. The immediate hinterland had very limited agricultural and mineral resources, and yet Madras grew, almost fantastically so. Less than 50 years after its founding, its population exceeded 50,000,2 an almost unbelievable figure for a 17th century port city of secondary importance. Such growth, which continued into the 18th century was linked with the expansion of British commercial enterprises and thus to factors outside the Madras Metropolitan area, or even lndia itself. EVOLUTION OF THE URBAN LANDSCAPE Until 1639 there were, where Madras now stands, only a few scattered agricultural or fishir~g villages with a small Portuguese settlement in the South at Santhome. Two years earlier, in 1637, Francis Day, an agent of the British East lndia Company landed at the fishing village 'Madharasakuppam' and the local chieftain after negotiations offered settlement facilities by providing roughly one square mile of land. This was the inception of the present Madras city. Subsequently, there developed a trade between the English settlers and the villagers in attractive yet inexpensive calicos (calicloth). In order to house the English Calicloth facility, Fort. St. George was built in As a result of this concentration of commercial and protective functions, the fort area became the nucleus of the emerging town although the limitations in this regard have already been noted.

5 The nearby villages began to specialize in hand-weaving, spinning, dyeing and textile printing on a large and steadily growing scale. For example Washermanpet, initially settled by Dhobis (Washermen), shifted its functions to dyeing and bleaching, utilizing its abundant local water ~upply.~ Additionally, new villages were founded by the British to provide particular trade supply functions. Chindadripet was one such village which became a weaving colony. The rapid expansion of the Madras settlement during this period was mainly due to (a) the attraction of expanding trade with the Company and the employment of trade opportunities associated therewith (b) the thirty-year exemption from taxation which was extended to those who settled near the Fort and (c) the security offered to residents at the time of upheave1 and disorder caused by frequent local wars. It is quite obvious that the growth of Madras was based on political and commercial considerations, rather than any perceptible local geographical advantages. During the 18th Century expansion continued with the adding of additional villages such as Tiruvottiyur, Kathivakkam, Nungambakkam, Vyasarpadi, Purasawalkam and Egmore-all within a radius of 5 miles from the Fort. Similarly, in the early part of the 19th century more and more villages from the fringe area were annexed and incorporated within the expanding urban area. Proper drainage, construction of roadways and laying out of suburban areas (Perambur, Periamet) were emphasized during this period. However, in the surrounding rural areas beyond the contiguous urban land scattered suburban development was due mainly to the acquisition of land by Europeans for residences and gardens. During the same period important changes were occuring in the older portions of the city. The European quarters virtually under the wall of the fort were

6 replaced as the fort itself was expanded both by the British and by the French who occupied the Fort for a brief period in the middle of the 18th century. An open zone was created around the Fort to strengthen its defences; this reserve had the effect of decentralizing the concentration of public buildings. Legal and commercial buildings clustered between the harbour and the Fort, educational and government buildings were more than a mile further South. Throughout the 19th century as trade grew administrative activities also increased. The gradual assumption of government and judicial functions resulting in the creation of a large administrative machinery encouraged further migration of people seeking steady employment. All of South lndia became a'tributary of the Madras Presidency, which comprised almost all the present southern states. Its selection ensured that the City would come to dominate South India. During the later half of the 19th century the introduction of electricity, steam railways, electric trams and the provision of a filtered water supply and an underground sewage system each stimulated the growth of the city. However, public service and improvements were inordinately expensive due to the sprawling nature of the city's structure. Some attempts were also made during this period to improve access and circulation. The Buckingham canal was constructed in 1897 for the purpose of providing access by small country boats although it failed ultimately in its purpose due to waste water pollution from the river. The beginning of the fourth quarter of the 19th century saw two major alterations in the economic development of Madras. The establishment of artificial harbour facilities was a major filip to rapid city growth. In fact, Madras became the only major port in South lndia with any major ship- handling facilities. Today

7 Madras port handles a fifth of the country's entire imports and exports. The establishment of the large Buckingham and Carnatic textile mills and other smaller mills, signalled the commencement of significant industrial activity in Madras, although industrial employment never achieved the levels of Bombay and Calcutta. In the modern period, Madras has retained its agglomerated village aspect. Much open space has been preserved and the crowding and high densities typical of Indian cities is restricted to George Town and the other nuclear areas. By midtwentieth century the steadily advancing rural-urban fringe has succeeded in linking scattered villages additionally to form a vast metropolitan network. The aggregation of former suburban villages and subsequent urban expansion with the villages serving as nodes left large irregular open spaces within the City area. After 1950, with the establishment of factories, industrial estates, commercial facilities and educational and other public institutions, the City has grown mostly towards the south-west (Saidapet, Guindy, St. Thomas Mount) and the West (Sembiam, Villivakkam, Aminjikarai). At present, one can identify several types of residential development around Madras : (1) villages along major transportation corridors occupied largely by daily commuters (2) housing colonies and industrial areas located where they are, because of the industry's need to be close to the port, transportation and markets of Madras, but which manifest a quasi-independent existence, and (3) a series of small towns which are separate geographically but not economically, tied by a variety of activities to the large centre.

8 The growth of Madras since 1943 (1943, 1963 & 1971) are given in Fig.l.2., Fig. 1.3 shows the present land use in the City. Thus the City of Madras has grown during the past 350 years from a tiny village of fishermen to the most significant urban centre in South India, with a population of 3.3 million (census 1981) and an estimated 5.5 million in This as been brought about, as explained above, by the building up of vast open spaces that separated several villages which originally constituted the site of the city of Madras. Since this development has taken place without a plan, the City lacks the cohesion and orderliness that has to be expected in a city of its size. But it still certainly affords a lot of opportunities for orderly growth. As for the physical size, prior to 1946, the city of Madras was only 30 square miles in extent. ie. 77 square kilometers. in 1946, City limits were extended by the addition of certain outlying villages, increasing the City extent of 50 square miles i.e. 128 square kilometers. This position remained till June 1978, when the City was further extended by the addition of twelve outlying panchayats increasing the City extent to 66 square miles i.e. about 172 square kilometers. POPULATION AND IN-MIGRATION The population of the Madras Metropolitan city has been greatly increasing - 5,53,000 in 1901 ; 17,27,141 in 1961 ; 2.5 million in 1971 ; 3.3 million in 1981 and a projected 5.5 million in The population at the turn of the century will be, as estimated, more than 7 million including the projected in-migration. The growth of population in the Madras city and Madras Metropolitan area ( ) is given in Table 1.I.

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10 - lc~dustrial opt,,^:, iparr: Htac redllollal - Irlbllfut~~rldl,~nd Water Bodk!s - t ~ty Houridary pre~197r New City Boundac)

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12 Of the major cities in India, Madras recorded the highest growth rate (63%) during 1971-'81. The estimation of the 1981 census shows that the natural population increase in the Madras urban centre is roughly around 28% which implies that inmigration accounts for a colossal figure of 35% of the total population. The population of the city of Madras is growing by 1,20,000 people each year and this is expected to reach the mark of 1,50,000 a year. It is predicted that during the decade the growth rate of Madras city will be 7.35% which is higher than in the decade (5.50%). The 1971 population 2,579,276 and the 1981 population 3,276,622 show a decade variation of +697,346 and a percentage decade variation of Density and distribution of population in the Madras Metropolitan area in 1380 and 1991 (projected) are given in Fig. 1.4 and Fig. 1.5 respectively. The average population density in the city of Madras is 19,050 per square kilometer (census 1981). Madras city is divided into 16 planning divisions. 'A planning division is a unit demarcated for the purpose of preparing detailed land use plans for smaller areas within the City'. The relevant maps of the Madras planning division with population growth rate and population density 1981 are given in Fig. 1.6 and Fig. 1.7 respectively. Madras city is divided into 150 Corporation divisions. 'A corporate division is a division demarcated by the Corporation of Madras for electoral purposes'. The relative map of the Madras City Corporation divisions with population density 1981 is given in the Fig Even at the level of strict urban population control, the population has doubled three times since 1901 till The doubling period

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14 - Dsn,lly ~n Pr ulnr lrrl Silunre Kbmslls A 0"- uj mu E 5003 '0'm "cao,om, F (U C 2om M0(U G '7% bkb3 D IDW >~t~n L m lhd, 2x1 Fig. 1.5 : Density and Distribution of Population 1991

15 OUNDARY Y BOUNDARY 'ISION BOUNDAR Fig. 1.6 : Population Growth Rate (Planning Division)

16 Fig. 1.7 : Population Density 1981 (Planning Division)

17 CITY boundnw - COUPCIATION D(VIY0N bxhtcnqy LXNSITV PEH SQ.W n G ? bxxb 600Cl roe0000 m eoool ro~ooooo EZl loooa AND ABOVE AVIRALL DENSITY PlR SaYM Fig. 1.8 : Population Density 1981 (Corporation Division)

18 has come down since It took 43 years for doubling first time. The second doubling took Only 25 years in 1969 and as per the prediction, the third doubling would have been completed during the (ie. within 20 years).' A considerable proportion of the population explosion in Madras has been due to immigration. During over 950,000 migrants came into the City both from within the state and outside. A study of the origin of the migrants reveals that about 70% of migrants are from within Tamil Nadu. Andhra and Kerala, the two adjoining states accounted for approximately 9% of the immigration. Another important feature is that 58% of the migrants were from rural areas and of these 26.87% belonged to the adjoining district of Chinglep~t.~ Table 1.2 shows the general reasons for migration against the percentage of migrants: Reasons 1. Business and trade 2. Seeking job and training 3. Economic reasons 4. Casual non-economic reasons like relatives, famine, displacement etc. 5. Miscellaneous Total % of migrants Table 1.2 : General Reasons for Migration Source : 'Housing and Habitat in Development Countries', Baskar A study of the major settlements in the city of Madras reveals that as much as 25% of the households in these settlements belong to new comers who arrived only after Furthermore, this inflow of new residents is nowhere near matched by the out flow (or outmigration) of less than 2%: However, it would be incorrect to describe the major settlements in the City as migrant settlements.

19 Although a large proportion of the heads of households are first generation rural- urban migrants, most of them had already spent a long time in these settlements. 18% of the households now living in these settlements ar-rlved before Another 37% arrived between , when these settlements experienced rapid growth. Growth had slowed down considerably from , and the number of households increased by a mere 2.2% annually. The growth rate again increased from 1975, and it is from then until 1988 that the number of households living in the major settlements increased by 32.5%. With regard to the prevlous place of living of those who arr~ved prior to 1980, roughly 50% carne from outsrde Madras and can be described as migrants. The resi 50% are ~ntra-urban mlgrants who came from the other parts of the city.6 The relevant details pertaining to the various factors d~scussed In the preceeding pages have been set out in Tables 1.3 and 1.4. REFERENCES 1. J.C. Molony, A Book of South India. London: Methuen, 1966, p Susan, J. Lewandowski, "Urban Growth and Municipal Development in the colonial city of Madras OU, Journal of Asian Studies, February, 1975, p ibid., p M. Nageswara Rao, Studies in Urban Public Sector. New Delhi: Asish Publishing House, 1980, pp Report on the housing situation in Madras, Madras Metropolitan Development Authority, Madras, March 1982, p Housing and Land Development in MMA - A case study, Operations Research Group, Madras, May 1983, p. 18.

20 20 Density per sq.km. Localities (Corporation Division) Area in sq.km. Population in thousands 0-20,000 1, 32, 51, 74, 82, 106, 116, 136, 146, 2, 33, 63, 75, 84, 110, 120, 137, 147, 22, 34, 67, 76, 88, 112, 126, 138, 148, 25, 41, 71, 77, 89, IS, 127, 139, , 50, 73, 81, 101, 114, 135, 145, ,001-40,000 3, 21, 28, 37, 44, 62, 85, 107, 118, 128, 4, 23, 29, 38, 49, 64, 92, 108, 119, 131, 6, 24, 31, 40, 53, 68, 99, 109, 121, 133, 7, 26, 35, 42, 54, 72, 100, 111, 122, 134, 14, 27, 36 43, 60, 78, 104, 117, 124,' ,001-60,000 10, 69, 90, 130, , 79, 97, 132, 39, 80, 103, 140, 45, 83, 123, 141, 55, 86, 125, 142, ,001-80,000 9, 98, 20, , 87, 91, ,001-1,00,000 5, 19, 102, 8, 47, , 48, 13, 93, 17, 94, > 1,00,001 15, 56, 66, , 58, 70, 18, 59, 95, 46, 61, 96, 56, 65, 105, Table 1.3 : Broad Population Density Ranges (Corporation Divisions) Source : Madras Metropolitan Area Demography, 1981, MMDA.