The Origins of Complex Societies in Late Prehistoric Iberia

The Origins of Complex Societies in Late Prehistoric Iberia edited by Katina T. Lillios INTERNATIONAL MoNOGRAPHS IN PREHISTORY Archaeological Series 8

Table of Contents Introduction Katina T. Lillios ' v The Historiography of Late Prehistoric Iberia Chapter 1. Recent Trends in the Archaeology of Spain Antonio Gilman... 1 Chapter 2. The Historiography of Late Prehistoric Portugal Katina T. Lillios............ 7 Technology and Social Complexity Chapter 3. The Making of Material Culture-The Roles of Metal Technology in Late Prehistoric Iberia Christopher R. Hoffman............ 20 Chapter 4. Central Places and Social Complexity in the Iberian Copper Age Michael Kunst............... 32 Regional Views of Social Complexity Chapter 5. Evidence for Social Complexity in the Copper Age ofthe Northern Meseta G. Delibes de Castro, J. I. Hemin Martinez, J. de Santiago Pardo, and J. del Val Recio...... 44 Chapter 6. The Late Prehistory of Central Portugal: A First Diachronic View Joao Carlos de Senna-Martinez............... 64 Chapter 7. Neolithic and Copper Age Settlements of Northern Portugal Susana Oliveira Jorge.............. 95 Chapter 8. Late Prehistoric Social Change in the Southern Meseta ofthe Iberian Peninsula Margarita Diaz-Andreu.................. 97 Chapter 9. Torres and Torrentes: A Spatial Analysis of Mallorcan Talayots P. J. da Mota Santos.................. 121 Burials and Social Complexity Chapter 10. Late Prehistoric Funerary Mounds in Northern Portugal as Indicators of Social Complexity Vi tor Oliveira Jorge...... 140 Chapter 11. Approaches to Class Inequalities in the Later Prehistory of South-East Iberia: The Gatas Project Jane Buikstra, Pedro Castro, Robert Chapman, Paloma Gonzalez Marcen, Lisa Hoshower, Vicente Lull, Rafael Mic6, Marina Picazo, Roberto Risch, Mathilde Ruiz, and Ma Encarna Sanahuja Yll........... 153 Theoretical Perspectives Chapter 12. Los Millares and the Copper Age of the Iberian Southeast Rafael Mic6 Perez...... 169 Chapter 13. Early Social Complexity in Iberia: Some Theoretical Remarks Juan M. Vicent Garcia......... 1 ~ 7

4. Central Places and Social Complexity in the Iberian Copper Age Michael Kunst Abstract In contrast to the view that social complexity developed between the Copper Age and Bronze Age (Harrison and Gilman 1977:99; Gilman and Thornes 1985:185; Chapman 1990:207; Gilman 1991:152-153), I argue that this development took place by the early Copper Age (see also Kunst 1987:188-190; Parreira 1990:38). Archaeological evidence from the Copper Age settlement of Zambujal as well as other Iberian Copper Age settlements and burials, archaeometallurgical data from Iberian Copper Age sites, and results from geoarchaeological studies of Portuguese and Andalusian river valleys are used to support this argument. Zambujal and Social Complexity The Copper Age settlement of Zambujal was discovered by L. Trindade in 1932 (Kunst n.d.:47-49); excavations were carried out there in 1944 and between 1950 and 1961. Beginning in 1964, six campaigns of comprehensive excavations were conducted by the German Archaeological Institute and the Institute of Prehistoric Archaeology at the University offreiburg (Sangmeister and Schubart 1981:4-7). The.Fortifications The castle-like settlement of Zambujal, with its bastions and towers, appears to have served a defensive function as well as acted as an imposing symbol of power. The excavators, E. Sangmeister and H. Schubart, were able to distinguish at the site a series of five different defense systems, each with several subphases of construction (Fig. 1; Sangmeister and Schubart 1981:226-255). Denying these different defense systems, and suggesting that there were only several small successive changes, J. Soares argues for a more egalitarian society in which the whole community was responsible for the construction of these fortifications (Gon~alves et al. 1985:151-152). As Parreira (1990:35) has pointed out, this view contrasts with that of Sangmeister and Schubart, for whom such a construction is suggestive of a stratified society, possibly with chiefs or "big men" (Ramos 1981:253) who commanded the construction and defense of the walls. The idea of a leader in charge of constructions is supported, to Sangmeister and Schubart, by the different "systems of defense" at Zambujal, each characterized by a relatively sudden change of the entire fortification scheme (Baukonzeption, or "concept of construction" [Sangmeister and Schubart 1981: 12-15]), although after each major change they describe several smaller successive changes (Ausbau-phase, or "completion phase" [Sangmeister and Schubart 1981:12-15]). Based on this evidence, it does appear that there were some "planners" who had the power to let the population of Zambujal reorganize their fortifications within a fortification scheme. Copper Manufacture At Zambujal, there is evidence for local metallurgical production. In several houses and hearths, fragments of crucibles and copper were discovered (Sangmeister and Schubart 1981: 279), and in other houses, finished copper instruments were found. The most interesting structure in terms ofmetallurgywas "round-house V''. In this structure there was a clay circle filled with very fine sand and surrounded by a series of fireplaces in different layers (Fig. 2). Copper droplets and crucible fragments were abundant in this round-house. However, only four small pieces of slag were found. Analyses carried out by Sperl of some copper droplets and the slag have shown that the round structure in house 'rv" was a foundry (Gief3platz). Sperl suggests that the slag was only used to cover the metal surface in the crucibles (Sperl1981:341-343); otherwise, slag heaps in the area of Zambujal are 32

!I!f.-;:.::::: :: -- - - - ~;:::::.:-=.:::::.:::::::::::::::: ::::::- :?".:::::.:::::=:-..::.::~. If /:;:~ "ii~, a b c d Fig. 1. Four different defense systems ofzambujal: a) "labyrinth" type; b) "causewayed camps" type; c) "high platforms" type; d) "round towers" type. (Drawings by J. Fernandez, DeutschesArchaologisches Institut, Abteilung Madrid). 33

Michael Kunst Fig. 2. Zambujal, plan of"round-house V" (from Sangmeister and Schubart 1981:Taf. 98/99). not known. These data suggest that there was only secondary copper manufacture at the site and that the raw material was imported from elsewhere. The evidence at Zambujal is suggestive of metallurgical specialization involving miners and copper smelters/melters. Not much is known about Copper Age mining in Iberia and most of our understanding is based on circumstantial evidence, such as that from the Rio Tin to project in southern Spain (Rothenberg et al. 1989:62). However, there is contemporary evidence for the use of an antler (red deer) pick from the Asturian site of Minas del Aramo,southofOviedo(BlasCortina:148-149). The antler was radiocarbon-dated to 4090±70 B.P. (OxA-1833) (Hedges et al. 1990:106-107). Radiocarbon dates from Zambujal range between 4200 ± 40 B.P. (GrN-7009) and 3530± 65 B.P. (KN-J-115) (Sangmeister and Schubart 1981:263-275). Secondary copper manufacture is also known at the Spanish Copper Age site of Los Millares (Arribas et al. 1989:72). At the fortified settlement ofel Malag6n (Cullar-Baza, Granada), however, a genuine Copper Age mining area of malachite ore was found just below the site. In contrast to Zambujal, there is evidence for the whole process ofthe metallurgical production at El Malag6n. In addition to fireplaces with crucibles and copper droplets, the raw material and slag were also found (Arribas et al. 1989:74). Other Specialist Activities Other specialist activities are also represented at Zambujal, including ceramic, and flint and bon~ tool manufacture. From the earliest occupation, the pottery ofzambujal includes vessels with wali 34

Michael Kunst Fig. 2. Zambujal, plan of"round-house V" (from Sangmeister and Schubart 1981:Taf. 98/99). not known. These data suggest that there was only secondary copper manufacture at the site and that the raw material was imported from elsewhere. The evidence at Zambujal is suggestive of metallurgical specialization involving miners and copper smelters/melters. Not much is known about Copper Age mining in Iberia and most of our understanding is based on circumstantial evidence, such as that from the Rio Tin to project in southern Spain (Rothenberg et al. 1989:62). However, there is contemporary evidence for the use of an antler (red deer) pick from the Asturian site of Minas del Aramo, south of Oviedo (Bias Cortina: 148-149). The antler was radiocarbon-dated to 4090±70 B.P. (OxA-1833) (Hedges et al. 1990:106-107). Radiocarbon dates from Zambujal range between 4200 ± 40 B.P. (GrN-7009) and 3530 ± 65 B.P. (KN-J-115) (Sangmeister and Schubart 1981:263-275). Secondary copper manufacture is also known at the Spanish Copper Age site of Los Millares (Arribas et al. 1989:72). At the fortified settlement ofel Malag6n (Cullar-Baza, Granada), however, a genuine Copper Age mining area of malachite ore was found just below the site. In contrast to Zambujal, there is evidence for the whole process of the metallurgical production at El Malag6n. In addition to fireplaces with crucibles and copper droplets, the raw material and slag were also found (Arribas et al. 1989:7 4). Other Specialist Activities Other specialist activities are also represented at Zambujal, including ceramic, and flint and bone tool manufacture. From the earliest occupation) the pottery ofzambujal includes vessels with wall 34

Central Places and Social Complexity in the Iberian Copper Age thicknesses of about 2-3 mm (Fig. 3). These, and the so-called copos (cups) with their polished decoration (Fig. 4), were very likely made by specialists. Flint tools, including long blades with surface retouch (Fig. 5), and delicate bone objects also suggest the existence of specialists. Labor Specialization and Surplus Production M. Uerpmann's research on the groundstone and flaked tool industries at Zambujal contributes to our understanding of the nature of regional interaction in the area ofzambujal. No flint blades with sickle sheen were found at the site, although carbonized cereal grains and millstones were recovered. This suggests that the agricultural producers lived outside the settlement area, and the population ofzambuj al received their cereals from them (M. Uerpmann 1994:37). Labor specialization and a surplus-producing agricultural base is indicated by this evidence (see also Parreira 1980:51). Irrigation in Copper Age Iberia Like the building of fortifications and their "defense (Chapman 1978:272), irrigation requires some hierarchical organization of manpower. Evidence exists for late prehistoric irrigation in the Jllllj llllj!llllllll!llli!iiiijiilljlllljllllll ij ljllll!lllljllllllllljllll!llll\lllllllll!llll!llli \lllilllllil II:,ll 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 Fig. 3. Black polished vessel (Z-R-23) from Zambujal, tower B, with very fine wall thickness (reconstruction by L. J. Trindade, Torres Vedras; photograph by J. Patterson, Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, Abteilung Madrid). 35

Michael Kunst dry regions of southeast Spain (Gilman and Thornes 1985). For example, at Orce (Cerro de la Virgen) and Los Millares water channels were found in Copper Age levels (Schiile 1968:89-91; Chapman 1978:269; Arribas and Molina 1982:13; Arribas et al. 1988:128; Gilman and Thornes 1985:118, 134, 136). Their function could have been the transport of water for agriculture as well as to supply the drinking needs of the settlement population (human and animals). It is also likely that in some areas of southern Portugal, agriculture was only possible with irrigation (Parreira 1990:34; Kalb 1989:35; Schiile 1968:81, Abb.1). Copper Age Burials It has been argued by Gilman and Thornes that "the shift in burial ritual from collective to individual interment and from grave goods emphasizing the personal finery of the dead, as well as the increased amount of and contrasts in grave good wealth, suggest the further development of social 1 : lll'l 11 1111 1111 p H 11 11 p111\l lllllll lllll lll11 11\lll\ 1111\ 1111 lllll\1111 11 111\1111 p 11\1111 llll\1 11 1111 n 1111\11 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 Fig. 4. Cylindrical vessel (copo) with polished decoration (Z-R-16) from Zambujal (reconstruction by L. J. Trindade, Torres Vedras; photograph by J. Patterson, Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, Abteilung Madrid). 36

Central Places and Social Complexity in the Iberian Copper Age Fig. 5. Flint tools. No. 3 and 4 = long blades from Borracheira near Serra da Vila (Torres Vedras); No. 40 and 41 = spear heads from Cabet;o da Arruda 1 (Torres Vedras); (from V. Leisner 1965:Taf. 3, 3 and 4, Taf. 5, 40 and 41). inequalities from the Copper to Bronze Age" (Gilman and Thornes 1985:185; see also Gilman 1991:153). Although the above statement is logical, the following points should be taken into consideration: 1) Individual graves were characteristic of the Mesolithic in Iberia (Arnaud 1987:63), while communal graves typified the Neolithic. No one, however, would argue that this change represented a shift to a more egalitarian society. 2) There are examples of collective tombs representing high status. In the 16th century A. D., for example, European noble families buried their members in a collective tomb ( Gruft) under a church (Fingerlin 1992:198-208). In Tiengen one of such tombs was excavated, and it contained the remains of 17 individuals (Fingerlin 1992:175). A prehistoric example is the Phoenician necropolis of Trayamar (Spain) (Niemeyer and Schubart 1969:96-104), in which wealthy individuals were buried. The tombs of the less wealthy Phoenicians have not yet been found in this region. 3) An example of tombs which do not reflect anything about the social structure of the society is the funeral decree (Begrabnisordnung) of the Austrian Emperor Joseph II in August 23, 1784. According to this decree, everybody-both poor and rich-had to be buried in the same ditch without coffins (Braunbehrens 1988:436-439). It was this decree that led Mozart to be buried in a poor grave. 4) We do not know which segment of the Copper Age population was buried in megalithic tombs, especially in thekuppelgraber. Perhaps only members from one elite family were buried in these tombs. 5) Social inequality is indicated by the grave goods found in Copper Age burials, such as the gold objects from Ermegueira, Barro, and Cova da Moura in the hinterland ofzambujal (Kunst and Trindade 1991:73-74). 6) It is because of the better preservatidn of Argaric (Early Bronze Age) individual burials 37

Michael Kunst under the floors of houses, where they were better hidden from robbers, that archaeologists can more easily classify them into a social hierarchy than the burials of collective tombs. The Copper Age communal Kuppelgriiber, which are far more visible, have been repeatedly looted over the last three millennia. These remarks should make us question the argument that the burial evidence reflects increased social differentiation from the Copper to Bronze Age, although we certainly cannot discount this possibility. Results of the Coastline Project (Kustenforschung) of the German Archaeological Institute In 1982, H. Schubart (German Archaeological Institute) and H. D. Schulz (Geologicallnstituteof Bremen University, Germany) began an interdisciplinary project entitled "Geological and archaeological investigation of coastlines and harbors on the Andalusian Mediterranean coast". These first investigations (Hoffmann 1988; Arteaga et al. 1988) were extended to the Portuguese coast in 1986 (Hoffmann 1991; Kunst 1990; Kunst and Trindade 1991). The principal result ofthe project was the discovery that fjord-like bays extended relatively far inland during the Copper Age. In other words, many inland sites of the Copper Age had, during their occupation, more direct access to the sea than they do today. The site of Almizaraque in the Spanish province of Almeria, for example, would have been found on a small peninsula in such a bay during the Copper Age (Arteaga et al. 1988: 111-113; Schubart 1991:23). Los Millares, the "largest of all Copper Age settlements in Iberia, and possibly even western Europe" (Blance 1994:50), had easy access to the sea via the Andarax river and also a bay. This bay possibly extended up to the actual village of Viator (Hoffmann 1988:48). The best example of such a site once located near a bay is Zambujal, today located 14 km from the Atlantic coast. During the Copper Age, a seabaywent up into the area ofthe modern village of Ribeira de Pedrulhos. The distance between Zambujal and the sea, therefore, was only 1 km (Hoffmann 1991:24; Kunst and Trindade 1991:Abb. 1; Schubart 1991:20). As Fig. 1 shows, Copper Age settlements (indicated by circles) are predominantly to the east of Zambujal. Since there are many Paleolithic sites known in the area between Zambujal and the current coast to the west, the paucity of Copper Age settlements in this area cannot be explained simply as due to the lack of investigation. Rather, the humid microclimate of this region during the Copper Age would have made habitation impractical (Kunst 1990:126-127). H.-P. Uerpmann has argued that one of the major factors in the situation ofzambujal was the availability of stone (H.-P. Uerpmann 1994:46). This stone, out of which the fortification walls at Zambujal were built, is found on the coast near Fig. 6. Situation of Zambujal in relation to the Copper Age bay. 38

Central Places and Social Complexity in the Iberian Copper Age Baio and the valley of the Ribeira de Pedrulhos. Baio is associated with some possible Copper Age material (Kunst and Trindade 1991:41, 56). Probably because of the above mentioned climatic reasons, however, Zambujal was built up more inland, situated very close to the then sea-bay, and within easy access to it (Fig. 6). In terms of architecture, metallurgy and access to a sea or large river, Zambujal is similar to other Copper Age settlements in central Portugal, such as Vila Nova de Sao Pedro (Pa~o and Sangmeister 1956; Daveau 1980:33; Arnaud and Gon~alves 1990) and Leceia (Cardoso 1989). Zambujal as a Central Place H.-P. Uerpmann, in his paper presented at a 1987 conference in Torres Vedras, Portugal, called Zambujala "central place" (H.-P. Uerpmann 1994: 46), as did Parreira in the case ofvila Nova de Sao Pedro (Parreira 1987:4 7). A similar argument has been proposed for the Portuguese site of Alcalar (Parreira 1990:34) and Los Millares (Gilman 1991:152). Applying the term "central place" to a Copper Age settlement is problematic, however, because not very much is known about the settlement pattern of the Copper Age or most prehistoric periods (see also Gilman and Thornes 1985:186). Furthermore, the term "central place" was originally used to describe the hierarchy and functions of Medieval or early modern settlements (Christaller 1933; Denecke 1973:42) and not prehistoric communities. Zambujal was built in the second millenium B.C. in a forested region (von den Driesch and Boessneck 1976: 112), where rivers and brooks would have likely been the primary corridors of transportation (Kunst and Trindade 1991:72; Hardh 1986). In this context, Zambujal was situated near the crossing of three trade routes: the Sizandro river leading to the east, the smaller Ribeira de Pedrulhos leading to the south, and the ancient bay giving access to the Atlantic Ocean. Trade Because of its trade status, Zambujal can be considered a central place (H.-P. Uerpmann 1994:46). Furthermore, trade appears to have been a primary function of the site; the geoarchaeological investigations at the site demonstrate that the site lost its importance when the Copper Age bay was filled by sediments (Kunst and Trindade 1991:79). Trade in Metal The main copper mines in Portugal currently exploited are situated in the Alentejo and Algarve (Leisner and Leisner 1943:Taf. 187). However, our research group discovered an area near Matacaes, to the east of Zambujal, with some stones with traces of copper. It is still unknown whether this copper was sufficient for the industry at Zambujal as well as the Copper Age settlements of Castro da F6rnea and Penedo, which also have evidence for copper manufacture. With these exceptions, copper mines from the Portuguese Estremadura are unknown. However, copper analyses of Copper Age artifacts from Portugal have shown that there is a similarity between the copper of Zambujal and that of the Alentejo and Algarve (Sangmeister n.d.). There is evidence for copper traded from Galicia, where a copper flat axe was found within the Cullucida tumulus from the megalithic cemetery of La Cobertoria. Analysis of its metallurgical composition "suggests that it was manufactured from copper extracted from the mines of Aramo" (Hedges et al. 1990:107). In recent years, Parreira has called attention to the possibility that silver or gold was an important trade good (Parreira 1987:45, 1990:37). Certainly it is not pure chance that there are five sites in the region of the Sizandro valley, including Zambujal, which have yielded gold objects (Kunst and Trindade 1991:73-74). This trade may had important ramifications for social change. Trade in Stone Zambujal had to receive such important raw materials as granite and amphibolite from outside the river Sizandro region. Next to flint, amphibolite was the most important raw material for stone tools, but there are no known resources of amphibolite in the Estremadura (H.P. Uerpmann 1994:42). Other Trade Goods Other trade goods at Zambujal, such as the snail Monetaria moneta (possibly from the Indian Ocean), suggest that the settlement took part in long-distance exchange (von den Driesch and Boessneck 1976: 106). At other Copper Age sites in Iberia, there are additional examples of long distance trade goods, including ivory and ostrich eggshell, probably from North Mrica (Leisner and 39

Michael Kunst Leisner 1943:474-475; Blance 1971:96-97;Harrison and Gilman 1977; Sangmeister and Schubart 1981:283; Spindler 1981:99-100). Discussion In summary, the geological and archaeological data from Zambujal suggest the following sequence of events: 1) The existence of a bay near the site provided access to the sea and other coastal communities with which Zambujal traded. 2) Trade increased the wealth of the settlement. 3) As the increasing wealth of the settlement attracted a larger population, the settlement became a central place. 4) Copper manufacture, agriculture, and the increase of the local population led to deforestation. 5) Deforestation increased erosion. 6) Erosion caused the sedimentation of the bay. 7) This sedimentation silted up the harbor and caused economic dificulties; 8) The bay became a bog, and the settlement was abandoned. Conclusion In the words ofharrison and Gilman (1977:99): "During the Copper and Bronze Ages, social evolution took place from more egalitarian to more stratified social and economic formations." Changes in the settlement pattern during the Bronze Age could be due, however, to the above described process rather than to an increase in social stratification. This paper further argues that social stratification was already in place by the Copper Age (see also Parreira 1990:38; Kunst 1987:188-190). Evidence of craft specialization, especially copper manufacture, a surplus-producing agricultural base, a settlement pattern with central places, and long distance trade lend support to such a model. Furthermore, the fortified settlements of the period suggest the existence of elites, who may have been in charge of their planning and construction. In conclusion, one can say that in the Copper Age there existed, at least in the coastal regions of southern Iberia, communities with a hierachical settlement system and social structure and which engaged in the exchange of subsistence and prestige goods. Acknowledgements I would like to thank Diane Kelley, Sandra Pichler, Traute Werner and especially Katina Lillios for their corrections of the English text. Bibliography Arnaud, J. Morais 1987 Os concheiros mesoliticos dos vales do Tejo e Sado: semelhan~as e diferen~as. Arqueologia 15:53-64. Arnaud, J. M. and J. L. M. Gon~alves 1990 A fortifica~ao pre-hist6rica de Vila Nova des. Pedro (Azambuja)-balan~o de meio seculo de investiga~oes, 1 a parte. Revista de Arqueologia 1:25-48. Arribas, A. and F. Molina 1982 Los Millares. Neue Ausgrabungen in der kupferzeitlichen Siedlung (1978-1981). Madrider Mitteilungen 23:9-32, Taf. 1-6. Arribas, A., F. Molina, L. Saez, F. de la Torre, P. Aguayo, A. Bravo and A. Suarez 1988 Excavaciones en Los Millares (Santa Fe de Mondujar, Almeria). Campaiias de 1982 y 1983. Cuadernos de Prehistoria de la Universidad de Granada 8:123-147. Arteaga, 0., R. Bahnemann, C. Briese, A. Dahmke, G. Hoffmann, K. P. Jordt, I. Keesmann, G. MaaB-Lindemann, H. G. Niemeyer, W. Rabbel, J. Schade, H. Schubart, H. D. Schulz, H. Stiimpel, and W. Weber 1988 Forschungen zur Archaologie und Geologie imraum von Torre del Mar 1983 I 84. Madrider Beitrage 14. Mainz, Verlag Philipp von Zabern. Blance, B. 1971 Die Anfange der Metallurgie auf der IberischenHalbinsel. Romisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum, Studien zu den Anfangen der Metallurgie 4, ed. by K. Bittel, S. Junghans, H. Otto, E. Sangmeister and M. Schroder. Berlin, Gebr. Mann Verlag. 1994 Copper Age colonies seen from the eighties. InOrigens, EstruturaseRelar;oesdas Culturas Calcoliticas da Peninsula Iberica, Aetas das I Jornadas Arqueol6gicas de Torres Vedras 3 a 5 de Abril de 1987, Trabalhos de Arqueologia 7, pp. 55-59. Lisboa, Instituto Portugues do Patrim6nio Arqueol6gico. 40

Central Places and Social Complexity in the Iberian Copper Age Blas Cortina, M. A. 1989 La minera prehist6rica del cobre en las montafi.as Astur-Leonesas. In Minera y Metalurgia en lasantiguas Civilizaciones Mediterrdneas y Europeas, Coloquio Internacional Asociado Madrid, 24-28 Octobre 1985, Vol. 1, pp. 143-155. Madrid, Ministerio de Cultura, Direcci6n General de Bellas Artes y Archivos, Instituto de Conservaci6n y Restauraci6n de Bienes Culturales. Braunbehrens, V. 1989 Mozart in Wien. Serie Musik, Piper & Schott 8233. Miinchen, Mainz, Piper & Schott. Cardoso, J. L. 1989 Leceia. Resultados das Escava{!oes Realizadas 1983-1988. Oeiras, Camara Municipal de Oeiras. Chapman, R. W. 1978 The evidence for prehistoric water control in south-east Spain. Journal of Arid Environments 1:261-274. 1981 Archaeological theory and communal burial in prehistoric Europe. In Pattern of the Past: Studies in Honour of David Clarke, ed. by I. Hodder, G. Isaac, N. Hammond, pp. 387-411. Cambridge, University Press. 1990 Emerging Complexity. The Later Prehistory of South-east Spain, Iberia and the West Mediterranean. New Studies in Archaeology Series. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Chris taller, W. 1933 Die zentralen Orte in Suddeutschland. Eine okonomisch-geographische Untersuchung uber die Gesetzma{Jigkeit der Verbreitung und Entwicklung der Siedlungen mit stadtischen Funktionen. Jena, Fischer in Kommission. Daveau, S. 1980 Espa-ro e tempo. Evolu-riio do ambiente geografico de Portugal ao longo dos tempos pre-hist6ricos. Clio 2:13-37. Delibes, G., M. Fernandez-Miranda, M. D. Fernandez-Posse, and C. Martin Morales 1986 El poblado de Almizaraque. In Aetas del Congreso <<Homenaje a Luis Siret» (1934-1984) (Cuevas del Almanzora, June 1984), pp. 167-177. Sevilla, Consejeria de Cultura de la Junta de Andalucia, Direcci6n General de Bellas Artes. Denecke, D. 1973 Der geographische Stadtbegriff und die raumlich-funktionale Betrachtungsweise bei Siedlungstypen mit zentraler Bedeutung in Anwendung auf historische Siedlungsepochen. In Vor- und Fruhformen der europaischen Stadt im Mittelalter, Bericht uber ein Symposium in Reinhausen bei Gottingen in der Zeit vom 18. bis 24. April1972, Teil1, pp. 33-55. Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Gottingen, Philologisch-Historische Klasse, dritte Folge, Nr. 83. Driesch, A. von den and J. Boessneck 1976 Die Fauna vom Castro do Zambujal. Fundmaterial der Grabungen von 1966 bis 1973, mit Ausnahme der Zwingerfunde. In Studien uber fruhe Tierknochenfunde von der Iberischen Halbinsel5, pp. 4-129. Miinchen, Institut fiir Palaeoanatomie, Domestikationsforschung und Geschichte der Tiermedizin der Universitat Miinchen and Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, Abteilung Madrid. Fingerlin, I. 1992 Die Grafen von Sulz und ihr Begrabnis in Tiengen am Hochrhein. Landesdenkmalamt Baden-Wiirttemberg, Forschungen und Berichte der Archaologie des Mittelalters in Baden-Wiirttemberg 15. Stuttgart, Kommissionsverlag Konrad Theiss. Gilman, A. 1987 Unequal development in Copper Age Iberia. In Specialization, Exchange, and Complex Societies, ed. by E. M. Brumfiel and T. K. Earle. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, pp. 22-29. 1991 Trajectories towards social complexity in the later prehistory of the Mediterranean. In Chiefdoms: Power, Economy, and Ideology. ed. by T. K. Earle. School of American Research Advanced Seminar Series. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, pp. 146-168. Gilman, A. and J. Thornes 1985 Land-use and Prehistory in South-east Spain. The London Research Series in Geography 8. London, George Allen and Unwin. Gon-ralves, V. 1989, 1991 Megalitismo e metalurgia no 1 lto 41 I

Michael Kunst Algarve Oriental. Uma aproximar;iio integrada. UNIARCH Estudos e Mem6rias 2, Vol. 2, 1. Lisboa, Instituto Nacional de Investiga~iio Cientifica. Gon~alves, V., J. Cardoso, R. M. Varela Gomes, M. Varela Gomes, A.M. Arruda, J. Soares, C. Tavares da Silva, C. de Mello Beiriio, and R. Parreira 1985 Povoados calcoliticos fortificados no centro/sui de Portugal: genesee dinamica evolutiva. Clio/Arqueologia 1:141-154. Hardh, B. 1986 See- und FluBwege in Siidskandinavien a us der Sicht der Archaologie, Siedlungsforschung. Archaologie'-Geschichte Geographie 4:45-62. Harrison, R. J. and A. Gilman 1977 Trade in the second and third millennia B.C. between the Maghreb and Iberia. Ancient Europe and the Mediterranean. In Studies presented in honour of Hugh Hencken, ed. byv. Markotic, pp. 91-104. Warminster, Aris & Phillips Ltd. Hedges, R. E. M., R. A. Housley, I. A. Law, and C. R. Bronk 1990 Radiocarbon dates from the OxfordAMS system: archaeometry datelist 10. Archaeometry 32:101-108. Hoffmann, G. 1988 Holozanstratigraphie und Kastenlinienverlagerung an der andalusischen Mittelmeerkuste. Berichte aus dem Fachbereich Geowissenschaften der Universitat Bremen 2. Bremen, Universitat, Fachbereich Geowissenschaften. 1991 Zur holozanen Landschaftsentwicklung im Tal des Rio Sizandro (Portugal). Madrider Mitteilungen 31 (1990):21-33, Taf. 2. Kalb, Ph. 1989 Uberlegungen zu Neolithisierung und Megalithik im Westen der lberischen Halbinsel.Madrider Mitteilungen 30:31-54. Kunst, M. 1987 Zambujal. Glockenbecher und kerbblattverzierte Keramik aus den Grabungen 1964 bis 1973. Madrider Beitrage 5, Teil 2. Mainz, Verlag Philipp von Zabern. 1990 Sizandro and Guadiana rivers: a comparison as example of the interdependence between the development of settlement and the natural environment. In Arqueologia Hoje 1. Etno-Arqueologia, (ed. T.JudiceGamito),pp.l18-131. Faro, Universidade do Algarve. n.d. Mauern und Tiirme der Kupferzeit. In Sternstunden der Archaologie: Funde in Portugal, pp. 47-67. Gottingen, Verlag Muster-Schmidt. Kunst, M. and L. J. Trindade 1991 Zur Besiedlungsgeschichte des Sizandrotals. Ergebnisse aus der Kiistenforschung. Madrider Mitteilungen 31 (1990):34-82, Taf. 3-14. Leisner, G. and V. Leisner 1943 Die Megalithgraber der lberischen Halbinsel, Erster Teil: Der Saden. Romisch-GermanischeForschungen 17. Berlin, Verlag von Walter de Gruyter & Co. Leisner, V. 1965 Die Megalithgraber der lberischen Halbinsel: Der Westen. Madrider Forschungen 1, Teil 3. Berlin, Verlag von Walter de Gruyter & Co. Niemeyer, H. G. and H. Schubart 1969 Toscanos and Trayamar. Vorbericht iiber die Grabungskampagne 1967. Madrider Mitteilungen 9 (1968):76-105, Taf. 21-31. Pa~o, A. do and E. Sangmeister 1956 Vila Nova de S. Pedro, eine befestigte Siedlung der Kupferzeit in Portugal. Germania 34:211-230. Parreira, R. 1980 Os primitivos metalurgistas da Estremadura portuguesa. Hist6ria 17 (Mar~o 1980):46-56. 1987 Calcoliticodo ValedoTejo. InArqueologia no Vale do Tejo. Lisbon, pp. 44-47. Departamento de Arqueologia do Instituto Portugues do Patrim6nio Cultural. 1990 Considera~oes sobre os milenios IV e III a. C. no centro e sui de Portugal. (Congresso: Presen~as Orientalizantes em Portugal da Pre-Hist6ria ao Periodo Romano. Lisboa, Instituto Oriental). Estudos Orientais 1:27-43. Rothenberg, B., F. Garcia Palomero, and H.-G. Bachmann 1989 The Rio Tinto Enigma. In Minera y Metalurgia en lasantiguas Civilizaciones Mediterraneas y Europeas, Coloquio lnternacional Asociado Madrid, 24-28 Octobre 1985, Vol. 1, pp. 57-70. Madrid, Ministerio de Cultura, Direcci6n General de Bellas Artes y Archivos, Instituto de Conservaci6n y Restauraci6n de Bienes Culturales. 42

Central Places and Social Complexity in the Iberian Copper Age Sangmeister, E. n.d. Zambujal. Die Kupferfunde aus den Grabungen 1964 bis 1973. Madrider Beitriige 5, Teil3. Mainz, Verlag Philipp von Zabern. Sangmeister, E. and H. Schubart 1981 Zambujal. Die Grabungen 1964 bis 1973. Madrider Beitriige 5, Teil 1. Mainz, Verlag Philipp von Zabern. Schubart, H. 1991 Almizaraque y Zambujal como plazas portuarias de la Edad del Cobre, Verdolay 2 (1990):19-25. Schiile, W. 1968 Feldbewiisserung in Alt-Europa. Madrider Mitteilungen 8 (1967):79-99. Sperl, G. 1981 Untersuchungvon Resten eines Kupfer GieBplatzes in Zambujal. In: Sangmeister, E. and H. Schubart, Zambujal. Die Grabungen 1964 bis 1973, pp. 341-345. Madrider Beitrage 5, Teill. Mainz, Verlag Philipp von Zabern. Uerpmann, H.-P. 1994 Observa~oes sobre a ecologia e economia do Castro do Zambujal. In In Origens, Estruturas e Relar;oes das Culturas Calcoliticas da Peninsula Iberica, Aetas das I Jornadas Arqueol6gicas de Torres Vedras 3 a 5 de Abril de 1987, Trabalhos de Arqueologia 7, pp. 47-53. Lisboa, Instituto Portugues do Patrim6nio Arqueol6gico. Uerpmann, M. 1994 A industria da pedra lascada do Zambujal. In Origens, Estruturas e Relar;oes das Culturas Calcoliticas da Peninsula Iberica, Aetas das I Jornadas Arqueol6gicas de Torres Vedras 3 a 5 de Abril de 1987, Trabalhos de Arqueologia 7, pp. 37-43. Lisboa, Instituto Portugues do Patrim6nio Arqueol6gico. 43