ON THE WAY OF REGAINING THE LOST CONFIDENCE

Transcription

1 ON THE WAY OF REGAINING THE LOST CONFIDENCE -Inter-national relations in the north of Bačka - On Wednesday, 25 May 2005 a public discussion entitled The ethnic tensions in the north of Vojvodina was organized in Kanjiža by the Centre for Development of Civil Society. The public discussion was preceded by monitoring of the state of the inter-national relations in this municipality. These activities were carried out within the realization of a more comprehensive project which is not realized only in the municipalities Mali Iđoš, Kanjiža and Senta, but also in Novi Sad and Belgrade regarding the important influence that the authorities in Novi Sad and Belgrade have on the state of the inter-national relations in Vojvodina. The public discussion in Mali Iđoš was held before the one in Kanjiža, and the one in Senta after it, all three being held in May. Kanjiža: mutual tolerant isolation Kanjiža is interesting not only because it is a municipality with the most homogenous concentration of the ethnic Hungarian population in Serbia. Some phenomena characteristic for other environments as well are seen here in a clearer and more developed form. On the other hand, some other phenomena due to the particularities of the local circumstances do not emerge in Kanjiža as much as in some other areas where the Hungarians make a majority of population or where there are a considerable number of them. First of all, at the latest local elections Kanjiža demonstrated eroding of the confidence of the Hungarians in Vojvodina in SVM. In Kanjiža today the ruling coalition is made up of the members of the Reformists Party, LSV, DZVM and some smaller groups, while SVM and DS are in opposition. On the other hand, unlike most municipalities in Serbia, the changing of the government in Kanjiža in 2004 did not mean a sweeping change of the personnel from the previous crew, so SVM is still very much present in the places where decisions are made about distribution of the municipal resources. In all municipalities in Vojvodina, Serbia and elsewhere where the power is gained, kept and lost through the multiparty elections, the possibility of affecting the real life of the citizens depends on two factors. One is the distribution of the prey between the parties which won the latest local elections, and the other is coinciding of these parties with different informal coteries of respected citizens, businessmen, influential local intellectuals and sometimes with people from the dominant church in the local 1

2 community. This coinciding of the formal and informal structures of the local authorities in Kanjiža is les prominent than elsewhere, so generally it could be said that in this municipality there is more democracy than in most municipalities in Serbia. Another question is inter-national relations. The respondents from Kanjiža say that the international relations are good. A side view reveals that in fact there are no inter-national relations and that the two most numerous national communities live the parallel lives, marginalized one towards the other. The incidents which occurred in the last year and a half are minimized. The respondents strikingly diminish the importance of tensions regarding raising the flag of the Republic of Hungary, rare neighbors fights or the fights of the youngsters from different places (mainly of one nation, e.g. between the young men from Kanjiža and Horgoš), desecrating the tombs in the Catholic, Orthodox and Jewish cemetery, repainting the signs written in Hungarian at all entrances to Kanjiža, total separation of the young of different nationality, sometimes radical slogans at meetings before the latest local elections (allegedly they shouted Hungary as far as Novi Sad! ), graffiti on houses with the sign Hungarians, get lost, a weak possibility to communicate with the administrative organs in the language of the local majority, absence of the two-language identification cards, more ethnic Serbs in the police, neglecting the Serbian associations by the municipality, exclusively Hungarian structure of the clerks in administration, regular complaints about refugees (which exists throughout Serbia, regardless of the ethnic structure of municipalities), sporadic discrimination of the Roma whom the café-owners do not allow to enter in all cafes and restaurant as the locals say, especially in Horgoš, relying of the members of the Hungarian and Serbian group on the foundations from the capitals of their mother countries and the capitalists of their own ethnic group regarding financing, etc. Neglecting the position of the Hungarians who live in the central and southern parts of Vojvodina is not at all a characteristic of Kanjiža alone, although it is more striking here than elsewhere. There is no ethnic solidarity among the Hungarians in Kanjiža nor is it in any other part in Serbia, Croatia and similar countries any more, and the referendum on citizenship proved the same for Hungary. Anyway, it is interesting that in the most Hungarian municipality in Serbia the citizens renounced SVM at the latest elections and thus showed their civil, non-national orientation. Kanjiža is in that sense interesting and contradictory in many ways. At the public discussion held on 25 May which Dragan Kalejski, Snežana Ilić and Gordana Perunović Fijat attended on behalf of the Center for Development of Civil Society, it was evident that there was no representative of the actual authorities of the municipality present, so a question can be asked as to whether there is a kind of a fear among them to raise this issue and what this fear rests on. At the beginning the associates of the Center for Development of Civil Society briefly underlined the most interesting results of the monitoring of the ethnic relations in the municipality which was followed by the active participation in the discussion of the present audience. A general opinion of 2

3 those who attended the public discussion and which appeared during monitoring was that the state of interethnic relations in Kanjiža was good, but that there was a sharp division in everyday life between the members of different national communities. The term parallel life could be often heard in this discussion, more often than in other two municipalities covered in the project. It described the shortage of real contacts between the members of different nationalities. The public discussion also included the issue of the latest local elections where SVM lost its power in the municipality supposedly because the abuse and incompetence and so the citizens punished them by giving their votes to civil options. A question as to whether the civil option is the future of the political life of the minority communities can be raised since their members are becoming more and more disappointed in national parties. If this is so, then the heads of the actual municipal authorities have lost the most by their ignoring of this public discussion. Mali Iđoš: living parallel lives Mali Iđoš is interesting as an extremely suspicious place which corresponds to the stereotypes about distrust of population in municipalities where the members of minority national communities make up a majority. Disharmony between the formal and informal distribution of functions, power and resources is quite visible in conversations with respondents from all three numerous ethnic groups (in the municipality of Mali Iđoš lives a considerable number of Montenegrins; a hundred and twenty Roma live here who are in a certain sense forgotten ). In other words, really politically strong people hesitate to formally take over the most important duties. It should be borne in mind that wellknown events within Movement of 64 districts 1 happened in Mali Iđoš which was particularly covered in the Belgrade press, especially in the newspaper Večernje Novosti, in the manner characteristic for Serbia after the yoghurt revolution 2. Anyway, the municipal authorities are unsatisfied with the interest of the associates of the Center for Development of Civil Society in the interethnic relations in their municipality which is not surprising having in mind the previously said. This area is particularly burdened by the serious economic crisis, more serious than in some other areas in Vojvodina. In the town of Mali Iđoš two hundred people employed in the farm have recently made redundant. In such circumstances every sort of inequality even the one which otherwise could not be objected to as not being the result of a discrimination, has a potentially bad effect on international relations. All ethnic Serbs are annoyed because the children of Hungarian nationality receive 1 According to some statements, this movement has a dozen and according to others, more than fifty members in the municipality. (The impression on the spot is that these people from the Movement of 64 districts in a direct contact do not seem only harmless, but also manipulated, as if they have took responsibility from someone who pulled the strings and escaped. ) 2 On the other hand, the radicals from this municipality, who make a minority in their ethnic group in the local area and are therefore moderate and, as it could be concluded from the conversation, like everybody when in a weaker position, devoted to the idea of human rights, think that the Belgrade press reacted in an appropriate and impartial way. 3

4 the 90 euros annual help from the Hungarian government. However the very activities of the Movement of 64 districts do not frighten the local ethnic Serbian population. The statement that this very movement was instrumentalized by the local SVM can be found among the respondents of both Hungarian and Serbian nationality as well as that the local SVM was manipulated thanks to the activities of the Movement by the factors outside the municipality. Naturally, this cannot be proved for certain within the monitoring. However, this is all the more possible because, according to what the people from the civil sector say, everybody does what the head office tells them. The ethnic Serbs express more anxiety about occasional advocacy of Mr. Agošton s party for territorial autonomy of the northern municipalities of Vojvodina (some of them say: It is important to make an atmosphere of unbearable relations for them ) while it is interesting that the occasional similar advocacy of SVM and the Movement of 64 districts are systematically ignored in the statements of the respondents of the Serbian nationality. It cannot be ignored at all that Mr. Agošton s party is pointed here just because the respondents really feel less frightened of its occasionally stated intentions than of the similar intentions of the subjects who are geographically much nearer to them. Feeling animosity towards the refugees by VMDK is underlined among the local Serbs in the similar way. The intention to minimize the incidents is obvious among members of all national groups (as one ethnic Serb said: If there were some incidents, minors provoked them and the question is whether they all were on national basis. ) The respondents of Hungarian nationality most often say that there were no incidents on national basis in the municipality, mentioning however that some of them received telephone threats. On the other hand, the conflict that happened on the bus from Bačka Topola is systematically hushed up where some youngsters undoubtedly demonstrated hatred towards their peers of other nationality. National romanticism among young people is visible. It is strengthened by some objective circumstances. One of the respondents of Hungarian nationality said that there had not been a conflict on the bus from Bačka Topola, but that the Hungarians had been beaten up. It was also said that the young people from Lovćenac had sung the Chetnics songs while some of the respondents of Hungarian nationality said there had been tensions between the people from Lovćenac and Feketić. According to these statements the young from Lovćenac they also make troubles when they come to Mali Iđoš they behave aggressively. The characteristic statements are: The relations in the municipality are not bad but there are problems between Lovćenac and Mali Iđoš and Lovćenac and Feketić. Some Serbs have problems with Hungarians. The troubles are made because the young (of about eighteen) come to Mali Iđoš and cause troubles, provoke young Hungarians, there are fights only among the young. But also it happened that cars with other plates come and beat up the young men. Or I would pass by and the young men would start singing the Chetnics songs. According to these statements the majority of the incidents are not reported. Moreover, the respondents, regardless of their nationality, most often object to behavior of the refugees who are here 4

5 as in other parts of Serbia and regardless of the national structure of the local population, the object of aversion and looked upon as disloyal competition in the more and more unjust labor force market. The animosity towards the refugees unites the Hungarians and the Serbs here as in the other parts of Vojvodina. It should be borne in mind that the locals do not only want but do not know how to accept the refugees. A respondent gives an example of a woman, a refugee, who came to the public well to take some water where other women, Hungarians, spoke Hungarian until this certainly frustrated woman shouted This is a Serbian country demanding them to speak Serbian. Such events confuse the locals who have always spoken in their mother tongue. The ethnic Serbs also complain about the unequal distribution of the resources in the municipality after the usual conformist introduction about the non-existing inter-ethnic problems. They give the examples of Feketić where a sports gym is being built and Lovćenac can t have at least a school. Iđoš has been receiving funds for four years from Bunjik (Zoltan, Provincial secretary for education and culture), while Lovćenac for only one, They have been favored. It is said that some big parties which the ethnic Serbs mainly vote for, do not have premises in spite of the many years long insisting on it because the municipal authorities have no understanding for them. Generally speaking, there is an opinion that the inter-national conflicts escalate in the time of elections, Vidovdan or Hungarian anniversaries- these are the incidental days. A particularity of the area is a conflict between the Serbian and the Montenegrin Orthodox Church followed by tensions in Lovćenac above all. Some of the ethnic Montenegrins are annoyed by the behavior of the representatives of the Serbian Orthodox Church who at christenings in the space for nationality they write Serbian and not Montenegrin, as those people declare themselves. The declared ethnic Serbs have different opinion. Some of them say: When it comes to the relations between the Serbs and the Montenegrins the biggest troubles are made by the organization "Krstaš". If SVM supports the Montenegrins in building the autocephalous church, it will be a hot spot for the following fifteen or some years. The other respondent of the Serbian nationality thinks that the Association of Montenegrins "Krstaš" which advocates for the Montenegrin Orthodox Church disunites, is in favor of Hungarians which is commented by we do not have a harmonious relationship. He notices that "Krstaš" primarily gathers the young. In the local political constellation it is estimated that people from "Krstaš" have made a deal with DS, and they with SVM. When commenting the work of the association Krstaš the opponents to the Montenegrin Orthodox Church sometimes say: A group of thugs has found a way to take money. According to the opinion of a representative of this religious side a real proportion between the Montenegrin and the Serbian Orthodox Church is 30 to 1200 which does not seem real. It is said that the president of Krstaš is a drug dealer, but he has got a position of a deacon in the church hierarchy. According to the opinion of the supporters of the great Serbia, the aim of Krstaš is to convert the Serbs into 5

6 Montenegrins, the same as those who do not approve of the behavior of the Serbian Orthodox Church say that it tends to convert the ethnic Serbs into Montenegrins. Anyway, inside the Montenegrin group there is a difference between the population of Lovćenac and Feketić which seems to be founded in the origin in different parts of Montenegro where the ancestors of these people came from. The Montenegrin ethnic group is here especially interesting due to the inter-slavic tension in ethnically major Hungarian environment. Generally speaking, the third ethnic group could serve as an absorber of tensions between the two opposed groups. On the other hand, in the given circumstances which are still marked with a strong interference of the ethnic nationalism, the members of the third ethnic group are often seen as actual or potential allies of the real or only alleged ethnic rivals of their own group. In the situation where the economic life is paralyzed where the black economy is very much present according to the almost general opinion of the respondents, and where the social mobility is blocked thanks to the fact that there is no secondary school in the municipality, let alone other things, the redistribution of the resources by the ethnic principal can be riskier than elsewhere. The sensitivity to what is understood as hurting the interests or prestige of their own group grows. Some slogans that the representatives of the Hungarian parties used before the local elections in 2004 one part of the Serbs understood as incidents. On the other hand, according to the statements of the respondents of the Hungarian nationality, there is only one Hungarian among the policemen in Mali Iđoš where there is a majority of Hungarian population. As these respondents notice, it is possible that the Hungarians do not want this job, but one should ask himself why it is so. According to the statement of one respondent everybody has lost confidence in institutions, the police in this formation is good for nothing. The measure of confidence in the police is investigation i.e. this respondent trusts the police records. When asked for a comment on the fact that there is only one Hungarian in the police force he says: The Hungarians have never signed for the police or the army. The interpretation of relations mainly depends not only on belonging to the ethnic group but on the particular interests, most often connected with the party organizing. Some of the politically active ethnic Serbs are warned of the behavior of the guardians of the great Serbia, the radicals being the loudest among them, saying they have had a big role in urging the conflict by insisting that the Minister for human and minority rights, Mr. Rasim Ljajić come. Certainly it is not clear why Mr. Ljajić undertakes the function of at least unintentional helper of the radical policy, but the very interpretation speaks of the tensions inside this part of the ethnic corpus in this municipality which is qualified for the political life. While some ethnic Serbs, as it could be seen, mention the help of the Hungarian government sent to the Hungarian pupils as something which causes tensions, the other say that the parents of Serbian nationality should ask themselves who has put them into the situation to envy their fellow-citizens of different ethnic group. They very often make a parallel between the Movement of 64 districts and Krstaš where they take a central, politically correct place for their 6

7 own position. In this sense both mentioned organizations seemingly make the ethno-nationalism of other national organizations in the municipality, both Serbian and Hungarian, more moderate and the leaders of the sides which are sometimes partners and sometimes opponents seem to welcome them in this sense although they provoke aversion. Anyway, there are 27 more or less active NGOs in the municipality. The opinion that the ruling parties SVM and DS, act in cooperation with the opposed radical party comes from the civil society circles. One of the key problems is ignorance or insufficient knowledge of the language of the members of the other ethnic group. The problem is dual not only because there is the endemic opposing of the Slavic population the most of which see themselves as the members of the state nation, i.e. something that the Constitution does not know but which is present in the insider experience of the members of all groups, but also because of the insufficient knowledge of Serbo Croatian language (in compliance with the terminology of the actual Constitution; in the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina instead of Serbo Croatian language there are four official languages beside Serbian and Croatian) of a considerable number of citizens of Hungarian nationality. Generally speaking, the municipality of Mali Iđoš is, as one of the respondents says, the place where the citizens have a problem because we do not live together, but we live parallel lives. The leaders of the local ethnic and political options have shown reason and established the cooperation before and after the elections which surpasses the ethnic limits and which contributes to the situation in which no ethnic group (except the Roma) feels marginalized although it cannot eliminate the character of ethnic competition in the relations of redistribution of the pray which are characteristic for the multiparty system. This proves the feeling of responsibility of the local leaders. The unfavorable circumstances are mainly provoked by the factors which come from the level of a global society, outside the territory of this municipality. Senta: Symbiosis of two parasites 3 or the integration of minority into the political life In Senta as well as in Mali Iđoš, but unlike Kanjiža, SVM still has power or at least its greatest part. The ruling coalition with DS and LSV in the Province is copied here. The radical alternatives occur here too, the Civil Movement of the Hungarians and the Serbian parties which are in opposition to the actual municipal authorities. They are equally condemned by SVM and the other two parties in power. On the other hand, these allegedly radial organizations act moderately, as it is said, and it is especially interesting that between the branches of the Serbian and Hungarian organizations which are outside the Assembly majority (which means outside the distribution of the resources) there is a 3 The expression of one of the respondents. 7

8 mutual complimenting. The ruling coalition in the municipality draws closer the ethnic rivals which the parties in power in the municipality indicate as Serbian and Hungarian nationalists. As one of the political activists from the opposition puts it: The Serbian opposition does not condemn the Civil Movement of Hungarians, they just indicate what those from the SVM are like, they speak of the crime, the character of the power. I have never heard anything nationalistic from them what kind of nationalism do we talk about here, why do they attack the SVM? A special role in Senta belongs to churches and regarding the relations between the Catholic and the Orthodox Church this town serves as a bright example considering the unanimous opinion of the respondents. It is interesting that the Serbs receive the help from Caritas too, but not the Roma, who got some clothes from the Christian Adventist Church. The Roma from Tornjošare are seen as a general trouble, especially because a part of them has become rich, which has provoked a lot of tensions inside this national community in the municipality of Senta. The effort of the municipality to integrate the Serbian minority is really visible. The foundation Stevan Sremac has started and on 1 November a library in Serbian language should be open. There are efforts to make an inter-ethnic organization. What imposes limits to the process of integration is what makes a basis for integration at the same time and in a contradictory way, and that is a system of the parties quota. The ethnic Hungarians manage the municipal public companies and they have almost complete monopoly of employment not only in these managing positions but in subordinate positions as well in the Assembly of the municipality. On the other hand, in economy controlled by the government in Belgrade, i.e. by the parties which make it, there are more ethnic Serbs in managing positions. As a respondent of Hungarian nationality who clearly sees one side of these inequalities says: It can be said that the Hungarians complain, that they are annoyed because there are many Serbs in managing positions now the same as before they are favorized. There are very much of them in relation to their number. The policemen are mainly the Serbs and according to the statements of the locals many of them do not speak Hungarian well: There are few Hungarians in the police. The problem is language, and it arises at entrance test which Hungarians cannot pass. The problem is that the policemen speak little Hungarian, and Hungarians speak little Serbian, especially in villages. It was really noticed during the field work that in Senta many Hungarians speak Serbo-Croatian with difficulties, with more difficulties than in Kanjiža where there are fewer Serbs. It is said that children in schools unwillingly learn Serbian (Serbo-Croatian) language. The respondents of Hungarian nationality sometimes say it is a question of the upbringing, while others complain about supposedly inappropriate teaching. Some say: The Hungarian policemen have retired. The young policemen now do not speak Hungarian that 8

9 is the problem. This disproportion should be solved They are not rude, but it is difficult to make contacts. Like elsewhere, a great majority of the respondents of both nationalities 4 say that generally speaking, the inter-national relations in the municipality of Senta are good and can serve as an example. Tolerance is developed in the usual negative attitude towards the refugees who are told to be unable to get used to the tolerant way of life or to bilingual environment. (It will be seen afterwards that even the native Serbs sometimes do not think that speaking Hungarian is necessary in Senta, and that one part of the Hungarians from Senta are indifferent to it. However, when it comes to the refugees, beside the other burdens they take, they also have the burden of special demands they meet.) The refugees are a constant target of condemnation: the radical party has increased not only here but throughout Vojvodina thanks to the refugee population. The refugees are undoubtedly a problem for Vojvodina as a part of devastated Serbia, and are always to blame even in the places where there are few of them like in Senta. There are no attempts of their organized integration which confirms the results of our previous researches according to which the people in Vojvodina, regardless of their nationality, have an unsympathetic attitude towards the refugees which is unfortunately understandable having in mind the situation in the country. Generally speaking, the youth is clearly ethnically divided. To the question as to whether the young of different nationality keep company with each other, the answer is Well, not exactly. We have two disco clubs, one next to the other, the young Hungarians go to one and the young Serbs go to the other. And to the question why it is so, the answer is Some things happen on Saturdays when there are more people going out. I hear from the young Hungarians who come here talking about it, that the Serbs mistreat them. They approach them and force them to speak Hungarian why would a Serb want to listen to somebody speaking Hungarian? Then some other Serbs come and say: Let them go, leave them alone! and then the Hungarians leave. They are afraid they will get beaten up. Just before you came a young boy had come and complained. They do not report it to the police, they are afraid. Or as another respondent says: The young have little communication among them it can be noticed that they go out separately. Separation acts living in ghettos. And the third respondent says: Briefly, there is a parallel life of the young, there is a mutual animosity among the youth. It doesn t happen that a boy and a girl of different nationalities date. Or as a respondent of the Hungarian nationality puts it: Communication among the young is weaker, and that s not it. Another respondent notices: There are areas where there are only the Serbs and only the Serbs go to those restaurants and cafes, Where there is Hungarian music there are only the Hungarians. There were incident in the municipality of Senta as well, and the information about them can be obtained only during a longer conversation, after breaking a usual barrier of conformity. The flag 4 With marginalized and generally uneducated Roma from Tornjoš no conversation about compicated matters was possible in spite of out good will, which indicates to the necessity of undertaking practical actions. 9

10 of the Republic was taken down from the Fire station, taken away and burnt, with the police establishing that the offenders were the ethnic Hungarians who live outside Senta. Or, when talking about the inter-national relations a respondent of the Hungarian nationality says: They are good, no bigger problems, there are maybe only some minor incidents. You have probably heard of the event with the flag. It happens sometimes that the young clash with each other, but it is not so serious that the police have to intervene. Or: A few months ago there were signs Hungarians, go to Hungary, but afterwards there were no such signs again. The Hungarians from Senta are dissatisfied because the procedure of getting certificates from the Birth Register has become more difficult: The problem is that the certificate is issued in a way it was originally written. A procedure should start for changing of the original document if you want it written in the Hungarian alphabet. Or in other words: The procedure is complicated, the one who wants it should get an instruction. If he is not registered at birth in Hungarian then he can get it only in Roman or Cyrillic alphabet. Otherwise one must register a change (then it means changing of the name), and in the request it should be written: I want my name written in Hungarian alphabet. Unlike Mali Iđoš, the SVM in Senta acts in a softer, more open way, giving away the role of the Hungarian radicals to the Civil Movement of the Hungarians. It should be borne in mind that the municipality of Senta is surrounded by the municipalities of Ada and Kanjiža where the SVM lost its power at the latest local elections. The relation towards the Movement of 64 districts here is quite different than in Mali Iđoš because the local SVM in Senta is seen as a rival, either its activists act under their name or within other organizations. The people who are not Hungarians have, of course, their opinion about the inter-national relations in the local: You know, the multi-ethnicity has always been at the expense of the Serbs. ( ) It was suppressed, and now it is the same with the Cyrillic. ( ) And when the rise of the national awareness started, then it was a sheer manipulation by the authority. ( ). The relations are now better than before There is a problem here to integrate a minority it is a mater of confidence, the SVM was not benevolent before. In February 2004 the newspaper Dnevnik from Novi Sad published a series of articles about the parallel mono-ethnic organizing of the Serbs and Hungarians in Senta regarding renaming the streets. One of the respondents said in this regard: It has to be more confidence in everybody s good intentions, and how it is possible when the authorities here change the names of the streets and squares in such an incomprehensible way. Out of 33 suggestions for new names, we agreed on 27, isn t that good? But why is Beogradska (Belgrade) street renamed? (their explanation is that this street does not lead to Belgrade?!), why the name of Jovana Sterije Popovića street it is very bad what they do. Another respondent says: Can you imagine that, they are now changing the names of the streets given in 1941 and changed in 1945! One of the Hungarian political activists described the problem like this: In this municipality there was changing of the street names 10

11 where some of the important names for Serbs were changed into some less important even for the Hungarians. Some of the Serbs from Senta feel openly discriminated: When it comes to education the Serbs are not at all asked. Hungarian language is compulsory to speak. I am not sure if it is OK because they have the association of principals of schools in their eight municipalities. Some mention that on the occasion of the last year s celebration of the New year s Eve a window of the office of the Serbian Orthodox Church was broken with a bottle. There are statements like: there is an inter-ethnic disturbance, there was a fire setting of the Serbian flag two months ago during celebration of the Hungarian sovereignty. A Hungarian who burned the flag was not punished. There is mocking to the Cyrillic, the Hungarians use a pejorative expression a square alphabet. On the other hand, one respondent of the Hungarian nationality respects maintaining the national identity, but he tells that it means ghettoing and can be counterproductive: When certain meetings are organized there is a state of emergency in the town, (gathering of the Hungarian youth) it is politicized and has lost all its meaning. There will be more of those who have come to drink and to be out of control of their parents. There are very few events which join, integrate. The question of language occurs as crucial. The issue of language appears to be the key one. The fact that the Hungarians do not speak enough Serbian bothers the local Serbs, or as they say, there are individuals who do not want to speak Serbian, or something the respondents agree about regardless of their nationality: the problem of learning Serbian is a problem of the system. On the other hand, there is less consent regarding necessity of learning the language of the environment. The burden of the years of Milošević s ruling is here hard to eliminate. The ethnic Hungarians themselves suggest with hesitation reintroducing optional learning of Hungarian language. As if the citizens of the Hungarian nationality reconcile themselves to the fact that a considerable number of their co-citizens will not learn the language of the majority in the local community: I think that the demands of the Serbs are here satisfied, in the Town Hall in the administration everybody speaks Serbian, in the Post Office before some did not speak Hungarian. This silent acceptance of the ethnic character of the state which is in opposition with the actual Constitution as well as with the previously applied standards, can be risky. Of course, the things mainly depend on the economic situation where one must have in mind that many were made redundant in the process of privatization and that there are 4,200 employed in the municipality. Like in Kanjiža, there is a conviction, probably partially justified, that the new owners are mainly the ethnic Serbs: the Hungarians are not much engaged in privatization ; later it will be seen where we are in the property relations. The economic competition between the ethnic groups remains somehow risky in the situation of the scarce resources. It is good if this situation is not followed by the idea of unequal chances. The respondents do not have a firmly formed opinion about this for now. 11

12 It is not necessary to state a special conclusion drawn during numerous conversations and meetings in the mentioned municipalities in the north of Vojvodina. As one of the respondents from Senta noticed the confidence of the Serbian minority is lost because of the attitude of the Hungarian majority which is such due to the relation of the Serbian majority. It was also noticed that Pandora s box opens in the election years. The experience with a rapid increase of the number of incidents since the state of emergency ended and especially, since the elections for the Republic Assembly in December 2003 until the provincial and local elections ended in early autumn 2004, back up this observation. One should hope that the political factors in the local area, in Vojvodina and Belgrade will use the electoral lull in the most constructive way to regain confidence between the members of different national communities. The foreign affairs circumstances are favorable for these attempts and it seems that in the country also exists a necessary degree of internal stability. Anyway, the first step to improve a situation is to reveal it, as much as it seems entangled and complicated and seemingly contradictory. Cooperation of all the interested is certainly more than welcomed. 12