Dark and Toxic Tourism in the Chernobyl Exclusion Zone. Anna Yankovska and Kevin Hannam

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1 Dark and Toxic Tourism in the Chernobyl Exclusion Zone Anna Yankovska and Kevin Hannam Pre-Publication Final Draft: please see final version: Ganna Yankovska & Kevin Hannam (2014) Dark and toxic tourism in the Chernobyl exclusion zone, Current Issues in Tourism, 17:10,

2 Abstract With the development of dark and toxic tourism, interest in death, sufferings or disasters has grown significantly and there is a need to achieve an in depth understanding of tourists experiences at such sites. This paper is an attempt to explore and understand tour guides interpretations of tourist s experiences at the one of the most infamous sites of dark and toxic tourism - the Chernobyl exclusion zone. The paper shows how different types of tourists visit the Zone at different times of the year. It further explores the site interpretations of the tour guides and the increasing influence of the media and video games in the construction of the touristic experience. It is concluded that the benefits and impacts of forms of dark and toxic forms of tourism for local communities and the environment must be further researched. Keywords: Dark tourism; Toxic tourism; Chernobyl, Tour guides; Interpretation; Qualitative methodology 2

3 Introduction The main aim of this paper is to gain a deeper understanding of the tourism experience at one of best known dark and toxic tourism destinations, the Chernobyl exclusion zone in Ukraine. We do this by examining the types of tourists visiting Chernobyl at presents, the role of tour guides and tour agents in terms of the site interpretation and the role of the media in influencing visits. The name Chernobyl has become a synonym for one of the worst nuclear accidents and technological disasters of all times. The nuclear accident at the Chernobyl power station occurred on 26 April 1986 as an accident during an experiment allegedly due to inexperienced staff and a weak security backup system (for a detailed review see Perez, 2009). As a result of the nuclear accident, the roof of the reactor came off due to an explosion, which soon turned into a radioactive cloud spreading over Ukraine, Russia, Belarus and most of Europe. The immediate result was significant ecological harm due to the spread of radioactive ions in the environment, four hundred times more than the Hiroshima and Nagasaki nuclear bombs. Within a few days hundreds of thousands of people were evacuated from the most contaminated areas around the Chernobyl (UNDP, 2002). Most of the evacuees were residents from the nearest town to Chernobyl, Pripyat, which later became known as a ghost town. The residents were misinformed by the Soviet Government about the accident and were promised to be allowed to return within a few days and hence left all their personal belonging in their homes but were never allowed to return once the scale of the disaster was recognised. The negative health impacts (cancer, leukemia, circulatory diseases and other chronic diseases) have so far claimed 600,000 lives of people in the contaminated zones (International Atomic Energy Agency, 2006). 3

4 The most radioactively contaminated area around the Chernobyl power plant was officially designated as The Chernobyl Nuclear Power Plant Zone of Alienation, known as the Chernobyl Exclusion Zone or the Zone, located in the northern territory of Ukraine. The exclusion zone extends approximately 30km in radius from the Chernobyl nuclear reactor and covers around 2,600 km 2 of the Ukrainian mainland. It includes the most visited tourist places of Chernobyl city, the town of Pripyat and roughly 180 villages that were evacuated and placed under the military control due to the disaster. Mycio (2005, p.2) in her book Wormwood Forest, describes the exclusion zone as Europe s largest wildlife sanctuary and explains that radiation is no longer on the zone, but of the zone. It is part of the food chain. Twenty seven years on Ukrainian scientists are still evaluating Chernobyl-related problems as environmental and health issues in the contaminated areas continue to pose a real challenge (Liashenko, 2013). Nevertheless, in recent years, Chernobyl has gone through an increase in the number of visitors mainly for tourism activities. According to the Australian newspaper, Sydney Morning Herald (2008), 7500 tourists travelled to the exclusion zone and spent around 130 per day. The Chernobyl zone exemplifies the darker aspects of scientific advancement and human experience and its ability to lure increasing number of tourists raises numerous questions. Recent academic work has analysed photographic representations of Chernobyl in terms of the anxieties that these may suggest in terms of its symbolism for industrial decline (Dobraszczyk, 2010), the postmodern sublime (Goatcher and Brunsden, 2011) or as a heterotopian space (Stone, 2013). Indeed, Stone (2013, p. 91) asserts that, Chernobyl is a heterotopia that allows us to gaze upon a post-apocalyptic world, in which the familiar and uncanny collide. Nevertheless, this studies lack an actual engagement with the actual 4

5 experiences of Chernobyl, which this paper seeks to understand from the perspective of tour guides and tour operators at Chernobyl. The first tourists in Chernobyl appeared in the mid-90s, after the level of radiation had significantly fallen (Steshyn and Cots, 2006). At this time, Chernobylinterinform was the only legal tourism organization allowed to arrange excursions to the Zone. Initially, the radioactive tourist destination was especially popular among foreign tourists from the United States and Western Europe. The Chernobyl nuclear zone is now controlled by the Ukrainian Ministry of Internal Affairs and entry to the Zone is only permitted to officials and a short stay can also be arranged on a special request for tourists (Ministry of Emergencies, 2011). Some areas in and around Chernobyl still have high radiation levels and all tourists must follow an official tourist guide and adhere to the health and safety requirements. According to the head of the Administration of the exclusion zone and the zone of absolute resettlement officially the visitors of the Zone can be classified into three categories; foreign scientists, Ukrainian and foreign journalists and former residents of the territory visiting the remains of their homes and graves of relatives and friends (Golovata, 2010). However, there is a significant number of thrill seeking unofficial visitors in the Chernobyl area each year (Schindlauer, 2008). The number of tourists visiting Chernobyl is on the rise and the legalisation of some of the tours in 2011 prior to the UEFA Euro 2012 football tournament was a sign that the authorities recognised the site s potential and the role it can play in the region s social and economic development (Bogdanov, 2011). Moreover, as Phillips and Ostaszewski (2012, p. 127) note: Lax surveillance and a lack of security, along with shoddy and broken-down fencing in places around the zone s perimeter, mean that the zone of alienation has very 5

6 porous borders. Wildlife and people roam in and out. In short, the area has never truly been an exclusion zone. Dark Tourism and Toxic Tourism Sharpley and Stone (2009) highlight that since the mid 20 th century the tourism industry has experienced a rapid growth in the fascination of death and dark experiences. Although most research work in the field of dark tourism is quite recent Stone (2005) states that the concept and the idea of dark tourism has its roots in the pre-modern age, when religious pilgrimages were made to places of suffering and death. Interestingly, dark tourism is also seen as a controversial endeavour from an ethical perspective as they question the tourists motives and desires to visit places of death and suffering. On the one hand, Lisle (2007) suggests that dark tourism is only for some people who gain satisfaction from observing the sites of violence and conflict which most of the tourists would never find enjoyable or attractive. On the other hand, Lennon and Foley (2010) explain that there is nothing wrong with visiting sites of death and even point out that it carries a commemorative and educational character and helps tourists to remember those different historical periods when tragic events happened (see also Cohen, 2011). Death related tourism activities have been given different names and meanings by various researchers. Seaton (1996, p. 240) defines thanatourism as a travel to a location wholly, or partially, motivated by the desire for actual or symbolic encounters with death. He argues that thanatourism is defined in accordance to tourist motivations to encounter the places where death has occurred. Slade (2003), in his analysis of Gallipoli, suggests that such motivations can be just incidental, as when tourists are visiting sites of death without 6

7 knowing much about the site and its history, while Kang et al (2012, p. 257), in their analysis of Jeju, South Korea, note a sense of obligation as a key motivation for dark tourism. Ashworth (2008) and Kidron (2013) further explore tourists experience at such sites and explain that this is frequently a very emotional encounter of violence, death, horror and pain. Rojek (1993, p. 136) discusses Black Spot tourism or fatal attractions which he describes as the commercial developments of grave sites and sites in which celebrities or large numbers of people have met with sudden and violent death. He further emphasizes that this type of tourism is dependent on the audio-visual media which makes it more attractive and popular for tourists who are in search of postmodern spectacles (see also Walter, 2009). Stone (2011, 2012) further argues that dark tourism can be seen as a mediating institution that allows the construction of contemporary ontological meanings of mortality and the contemplation of both life and death through consumption (see also Jamal and Lelo, 2011). Browman and Pezzullo (2010) offer another critical perspective on dark tourism. They argue that: By labeling certain tourists or tourist sites dark, an implicit claim is made that there is something disturbing, troubling, suspicious, weird, morbid, or perverse about them, but what exactly that may be remains elusive and ill-defined because no one has assumed the burden of proving it. Labeling a site as dark seems to be a complicated matter of perspective and privilege (Browman and Pezzullo, 2010, pp ). Thus rather than examining whether tourism is light or dark, they suggest that: it seems worth further exploring how some tours at sites of death open up possibilities for solidarity or alliance-building, particularly those that are sites of environmental 7

8 disasters (from tsunamis to industrial accidents, such as Chernobyl, to ongoing polluting industries that threaten public health, species extinction, and ways of life for specific cultures) and/or social injustices (from prisons to sites of politically or ethnically motivated violence). (Browman and Pezzullo, 2010, p. 194). Pezzullo (2007) uses the term toxic tourism to describe organised tours to places of environmental degradation in underprivileged communities in various parts of the United States. Nevertheless, toxic tourism cannot just be categorised as a form of dark tourism, but as Di Chiro (2000) argues may also be conceptualized as a form of environmental tourism; focusing more on the relationship between environmental and social degradation. According Di Chiro (2000) toxic tourism provides first-hand experiences of environmental prejudice and hazard which challenges the remoteness of the tourist gaze. Di Chiro thus defines toxic tours, as a form of reality tours. Pezzullo (2007) further suggests that the major reasons for the organisation of toxic tours is to provide tourists with all possible information and show the effects of polluting industries on local communities and surrounding lands. Some environmental protection agencies use the same concept to promote and encourage environmental justice movements. The purpose of these tours is thus not only to visit and observe sites or to take a memorable picture, but also to build strong political and economic support in order to fight against environmental injustices and to make a difference to the lives of poor communities. Pezzullo (2007) shows that such toxic tours, which she further calls environmental advocacy tours may move tourists to do something more transformative. She also suggests that toxic tourism can also become a damaging experience for residents who may feel themselves viewed as objects. Nevertheless, in this paper we argue that some places such as the case presented here, Chernobyl, may be interpreted as simultaneously both dark and toxic tourism sites. 8

9 Methodology Visiting the actual Chernobyl exclusion zone to conduct research in the form of participant observation is not possible due to the health risks from the high levels of radiation. Therefore, data collection in the form of in depth semi-structured interviews with tour guides and tour agents was conducted in the Ukrainian capital Kiev located around 100 km from the Chernobyl exclusion zone in July Focus groups as a method were considered but not pursued due to the sensitive nature of the subject matter and the need for confidentiality. Tour guides were chosen as guiding plays an important role in the successful presentation of the tourism destination and is of vital importance for the tourist experience (Cohen, 1985). Bruner (2004) explains that experiencing a site depends a lot on the performance of the tour guides since they can provide tourists with a more complex presentation and a deeper understanding of the sites. Nevertheless, it has also been highlighted that tour guides have an authoritative position and guiding can become, as in this context, an ideologically charged social event (Brin and Noy, 2010, p. 20). Tour agents were also included in the interviews for this project as they acted as gatekeepers for the tour guides in many cases. For this research project, twelve people agreed to be interviewed - eight tour guides (who conduct the tours) and four tour agents (who sell the tours). Eight of the semi-structured interviews were recorded digitally and in the remaining four only written notes were taken. The interviews were conducted in Russian or Ukrainian (depending on the interviewee), later translated into English for coding purposes. Each interview lasted between 45 minutes and one and a half hours. All interviewees were assured of the confidentiality of their responses to protect their identities. Interview questions were formulated by drawing upon the work of Pezzullo (2009), in particular. The participants were interviewed regarding their work 9

10 experience as a tour guide or tour agent, their interpretation of the Chernobyl site, and their views on tourists, motivations, experiences and expectations in the exclusion zone of Chernobyl power plant. The tour guides and agents can be considered one of the most important actors for tourism at Chernobyl because tourists are not allowed to be without a guide in the zone. The interview process was not a straight forward task because most of the tour agencies that provide tours to Chernobyl operate clandestinely due to restrictions imposed by the Ukrainian government since This also made it extremely difficult to interview tourists who had been on the tours and therefore it was decided to concentrate on tour guides and tour agents. Only a small number of tour agencies are currently authorised to provide tours to the Zone. However, there are many unlicensed agencies operating in Chernobyl illegitimately. Such agencies do not advertise Chernobyl tours on websites and tour brochures but they usually operate through word of mouth connections or through an agreement with the staff at a particular hotel. The usual price per person for the trip from a legal tour agency can vary between 50 to 150 depending on the visitation period and the equipment needed including protective clothing and accessories like masks, glasses, gloves and special shoes. In contrast, the illegal tour agents and guides request a price between 200 and 500 per person. Six out of the eight tour guides interviewed were born in the town of Pripyat or in the villages close to Chernobyl city and thus had local knowledge of the environment. All of the tour guides pointed out that they had undertaken training to work at the site. Although most of them are related to the evacuated Pripyat town or the villages nearby, they still had to learn the history, culture and nature of the place and in particular, the effects of radiation contamination and its impacts on the environment, as well as health and safety issues. 10

11 Four out of the six local tour guides named the reason that they work there as their home - where they were born and grew up. However, some of the interviews did not proceed straightforwardly as some interviewees broke down crying and upset because of their experiences. This raised important ethical concerns about the nature of the research being undertaken and the relative positionality of the researchers and the interviewees (Swain, 2004). Nevertheless, all the interviewees maintained that they thought the research was important as it would allow them to articulate the educational lessons to be learnt from the Chernobyl disaster not just for the tourists but for the wider world. The interview transcripts were coded using principles of open coding and axial coding to reveal particular themes. Open coding refers to analysis in terms of labeling and categorising data by asking questions and making comparisons; similar incidents are grouped together and given the same conceptual label. Axial coding, meanwhile, puts the data back together by making connections between a category and its sub-categories (Strauss and Corbin, 1990). Using these data analysis procedures a number of themes emerged from the data, namely, the types of tourists that visit Chernobyl and their different motivations and behaviours; the interpretations of Chernobyl by the tour guides as part of their work; the influence of the media on the tourist experience. These are now considered in turn in relation to existing literature on dark and toxic tourism. 11

12 Discussion Chernobyl Tourist Types and Visitation Periods One of the main themes that emerged during the analysis was the differentiation between types of tourists and their motives for visiting the Chernobyl exclusion zone. The tour guides discussed the average age of the tourists, their nationalities and whether they had any personal connection with the site as important factors in shaping their tourist experiences. According to Tour Guide C there are two main age groups visiting the Chernobyl exclusion zone. The first group aged between 18 and 28 seem to be more interested in fun, fear and thrill. The second age group includes visitors above 28 years of age who usually visit in remembrance of the tragedy. The Tour Agent K, meanwhile, argued that the tours provided to younger people usually have a different programme and different tour guides. Significantly, the route of the tour is also modified for the younger tourists with more extreme places and visits to places mentioned in the S.T.A.L.K.E.R. 1 video game (empty buildings, the car graveyard and the Chernobyl power plant itself). Tour guide D noted that tourists from Ukraine, Russia and Belarus who are directly or indirectly related to Chernobyl have a more emotional experience due to their personal connections with the place, a finding which resonates with Mowatt and Chancellor s (2011) analysis of the experience of slave castles in Ghana. The interviewees also mentioned the significance of different visitation periods, considering them to play a vital role in the tourist experience. Tour Guide B named two main visitation periods to the Chernobyl Exclusion zone which are: autumn-winter and spring-summer. 1 S.T.A.L.K.E.R.: Shadow of Chernobyl is an open world first-person shooter video game by the Ukrainian developer GSC Game World, published in

13 According to him, autumn and winter are the best seasons for dark tourism when everything is grey, empty and frightening. Tour Agent F also suggested that visitation between November to February was scarier. Tour Guide C similarly stated that during the spring and summer tourist s experiences are totally different as the flora is abundant. Moreover, in the summer time, scientists from across the world visit the area to explore the flora and fauna. Therefore, from the above, it can be drawn that different seasons serve different types of tourists in Chernobyl and the season is also a significant factor in defining the tourist s experiences. Put simply, the autumn-winter visitation period would favour the dark tourists who aim to experience tragic death, fear and loss; while the spring-summer period suits the toxic tourists looking for changes in the natural environment. Interpreting Chernobyl Cohen (1985) calls tourist guides cultural brokers. These intermediaries select sights, offer information and interpretations to tourists and their mediation may slant towards the tour guide s own professional training or personal preferences. However, in the Chernobyl zone, the sightseeing does not just depend on the tour guides preferences but also on health and safety measures. According to the tour guides, There is no one better to explain these feelings to the tourists and say more than just some facts about Chernobyl than the one who was born here, saw everything with his own eyes, suffered, was forced to move and forget his home forever. (Tour Guide D). Tour Guide C, meanwhile, stated that the reason he worked as a tour guide in Chernobyl was to stay close to his family which had returned to live in the exclusion zone after the first year of evacuation. This tour guide also brought tourists to visit his family in their village house 13

14 located 15 km from the Chernobyl power plant. He suggested that tourists bring gifts with them if they wanted to visit their home, particularly uncontaminated food brought from other districts in Ukraine. Most excursions are developed with an underlying theme to picture the pre-disaster life in the town of Pripyat, the information about the communist USSR and the exclusion zone. One of the tour agents, explaining the programme of the trip to Chernobyl said at the start of the tour, when travelling to the passport check point in the bus, tour guides play the movie called The Battle of Chernobyl to help tourists learn about the history and background of the place. The tour guides further stated that it was important for them to provide valid site interpretation. For example, Tour Guide C argued that: Interpretation is the main part of my work. It is something that tourists are wanting from me the most. Gathering in the empty buildings and walking on desolated streets cannot tell you about the great meaning which I see this place carries. Tourists come with their own imagination and expectations, asking millions of questions and waiting to hear something exciting, new and, maybe, life-changing. Tour Guide F reflected that details about the catastrophe were important to keep the tourists interested: I was there on the 26 th of April (1986) and I remember how I felt that taste of iron on my tongue, headache and stomach sickness. I did not know what was going on, as there was no sign of difference in the air, but I felt something is going wrong. All the bees and bugs disappeared. It was scary I know these details are interesting and 14

15 exciting for tourists as they want to know more what people experienced on that horrific day. During the interviews, some tour guides also mentioned the role of the personal interaction with the local residents of the exclusion zone. Tour Guide C who lets tourists visit his family house located near the town of Pripyat, where his parents returned the year after evacuation stated that: tourists gain even more satisfaction when real people who suffered and experienced the nuclear catastrophe themselves can tell the real story and describe the horrific event in details. Tour Guide G also added that most of the tourists are curious about the exclusion zone habitants style of life, feelings and left memories. He commented that some tourists experience the peak of their emotions when they receive hospitality from the older people continuing their life in the zone. In addition to the valid interpretations most of the tour guides expressed also emphasised that they had to make up their own interpretations of the site and at times embellished stories related to the disaster in order to enthrall the tourists. Tour Guide C presented the Chernobyl catastrophe as primarily an educational experience (see Cohen, 2011). The main educational lesson mentioned by the tour guides was about the past mistakes and its impacts which could help prevent future catastrophes. Tour Guide B stated that: I consider my main role as a guide is to share with the most tragic, horrific and heartbreaking experiences of the Chernobyl and its people and deliver the main message to its visitors which will generate awareness around them. Tour Guide C also explained that: working here for 11 years already, I have seen different motivations from tourists who come to the Chernobyl, but what I really think they should receive is one important lesson about the tragedy which happened here. The tour guide E similarly emphasised that: so many people 15

16 are left hurt from the Chernobyl. No one takes care of them; no one tries to give support or medical help to fight with their damaged health and mind. This trip into the heart of the disaster and its surroundings makes everyone more conscious about the consequences and a need to volunteer for the suffered one. Media Influences The role of the media as the part of the site interpretation was mentioned by five tour guides and three tour agents. The media, according to Guide C, helps tourists to learn about the site before reaching it and gives important information about its history and tragic event. Tour Agent K confirmed that the media has made the site of the Chernobyl exclusion zone even more tragic and exciting for tourists. As noted above, the interviewees also highlighted the significant role of computer games like S.T.A.L.K.E.R. where illegal explorers of the Zone fight against animal and humanoid mutants (see also Phillips and Ostaszewski s (2012) satirical account). The tour guides explained that during the past few years after the game gained popularity the number of tourists who want to experience extreme adventure had grown significantly. The tour guides explained that some tourists are interested in seeing mutated animals and often pretend to be in a zombie type movie. Tour Guide B was especially critical of this and stated that: People believe in these games and horror movies too much. Consequently, they are not interested in real history and valid information anymore. What is more, they want to risk their lives and find adrenalin instead of appreciation and memorialisation of the past which gives some valuable lessons. 16

17 Indeed, the need for a more sustainable process of memorialisation has been identified by Pezzullo (2009) in her analysis of tourism after Hurricane Katrina in the United States. Tour Guide E further explained that before going on an excursion into the Chernobyl zone they let the tourists read a number of warnings in order to prevent the tourists from being dissatisfied. For example: Warning 1. Things you will and will NOT see. You will NOT see zombies, three head horses and other monsters. You WILL see something even scarier, evidence of the world largest technogenic catastrophe and face its magnetic emptiness. A freaky and strange feeling that you won't ever forget... Stone and Sharpley (2008) suggest that more people are now able to experience dark tourism virtually via the internet and television in an intangible form. According to Tour Guide C, some tourists are curious to know about death and its causes at Chernobyl and drew upon medical programmes they had watch on television. He also stated that some tourists even want to know the details of how people suffered from radiation and what exactly caused their death. Tour Guide D added that he used internet video hosting websites for promotion and used graphic technology to create weird animals and pictures to promote his work as a guide. He explained that the potential market is a more significant if the experience is more thrilling since more tourists want to see violent stuff. Tour Guides A and B concurred that tourists aged between years were generally more curious about the suffering of people who died from radiation poisoning. Tour Guide E suggested that at least 40 per cent of tourists coming to the site are very interested in death and the related experience. Many places in Pripyat town and near the Chernobyl Power Station have monuments and graves of people who died of the radiation. According to tour 17

18 Guide B, everything in the Chernobyl exclusion zone reminds tourists about death: its empty streets, broken windows, desolated buildings and signs of a danger and high radiation level. Tour Guide K, meanwhile, explained that tourists who visit the monument of the liquidators and the Chernobyl power plants where they fought with radiation fire, want to understand the price others paid for their life, understand human sacrifice and feel inspired for heroism in their life and for bigger actions. Conclusions The main aim of this research was to gain a deeper understanding of the tourism experience at one of best known dark and toxic tourism destinations, the Chernobyl exclusion zone in Ukraine. The research has emphasised the importance of the tour guides own on-site interpretations, performances and influences in defining the tourists experiences. Di Chiro (1997) has emphasised that toxic tourism can provide a strong educational experience, raising awareness about the current environmental issues and the polluted environmental conditions around us. According to the tour guides and agents a large number of tourists visiting Chernobyl expect an educational experience in order to explore the health and environmental impacts of the disaster. Furthermore, the tour guides expressed that they are usually attempting to change tourist s attitudes about the place and make them aware of the mistakes and the misinformation about the disaster. Although the environmental education within toxic tourism was found to be an important influence on tourism in the Chernobyl exclusion zone, the experience can become too overwhelming. Pezzullo (2009) has shown that tourists often have difficulties in properly 18

19 expressing pain or sorrow about disasters. Indeed, it was mentioned by most interviewees that some tourists who look excited during the trip still experience things indifferently. Overall, this paper contributes to the wider understanding of dark and toxic tourism forms and the ways in which they can overlap and intersect with each other. Understanding the benefits and impacts of both dark and toxic forms of tourism for local communities and the environment must be further researched as this paper is limited to the interpretations of the tour guides and agents. Further research is needed into the actual tourist experiences at such sites (Hannam and Knox, 2010; Sharpley and Stone, 2011). References Ashworth, G. J. (2008). The Memorialization of Violence and Tragedy: Human Trauma as Heritage. In Graham, B. and Howard, P. (eds.) The Ashgate Research Companion to Heritage and Identity. Aldershot: Ashgate, Bogdanov, V. (2011). На Украине легализировали чернобольский туризмэ ( Ukraine has Legalized Chernobyl Tourism ) Vesti news. Available at: [Accesed 26 May 2012] Brin, E. and Noy, C. (2010) The said and the unsaid: Performative guiding in a Jerusalem neighbourhood. Tourist Studies, 10(1), Browman, M. and Pezzullo P. C. (2010). What s so Dark about Dark Tourism? Death, Tours, and Performance. Tourist Studies, 9(3), Bruner, E. (2004). Culture on Tour: Ethnographies of Travel. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 19

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