KOSOVO FIELD TRIP REFLECTION PAPER

Transcription

1 KOSOVO FIELD TRIP REFLECTION PAPER submitted by The A-Team: Lucia Costela, Laura Kraus, Lucas Palm and Ruggero Scaturro Vienna, March 2016 Word Count: 2 352

2 We had never been to a place where the ethnic tensions are as visible as in Kosovo and we were shocked at the ethnic hatred that is so outspoken in Kosovo. On top of that, the heavy international presence adds to this tense atmosphere. Throughout the incredibly interesting meetings with government officials and NGOs, as well as the many interactions with people on the street, the four things that impressed us the most were the perception that the locals have of the international presence, the visit to KFOR, the meeting with the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, and the day trip to Mitrovica. 1. The international Presence During our stay in Pristina, we saw numerous big off-road cars driving around with EULEX printed on the side. Upon our visit to the OSCE Mission in Kosovo, we saw cars being inspected before entering the premises. Where are we? Is this place safe?, were the thoughts running through our minds. Certainly, to outsiders, the security measures taken by international organizations gave off the impression that riots could start at any time. Albin Kurti, leader of Vetëvendosje!, described this behaviour to us as condescending, asking What do they need 4x4s for in Pristina? This is not a jungle. He went on to describe a poster that has been decorating the bill boards of Pristina for some time, showing a picture of a dog and a cat, captioned If they can get along, why can t you? On the same day, en route back to one of our host families, we had a very interesting conversation with our taxi driver; a young man who had just returned from working at McDonalds in Germany for 2 years and who was not able to find a job other than that of a taxi driver in Pristina, although he had an Engineering degree. He explained to us that the Kosovarians had had big expectations for UNMIK and other international organisations, and that these had not been met, resulting in frustration and disappointment. He questioned whether perhaps their expectations had been too high. When we asked him whether he thinks that EULEX and the other international organisations should leave, he answered No, not yet! We need them to catch the big fish. During a long discussion with our host-family s daughter on our last night in Kosovo, we encountered another perception of the international presence in Kosovo. As an educated, politically active, ethnic-albanian woman in her early twenties, she felt very strongly about her belief that Kosovo was an experiment of international organisations and that it has been

3 ineffective in resolving the tensions and getting the country on its own two feet. She told us that the employees of such organisations are paid inflated salaries and drive expensive cars and that this is a disproportional contrast to the poverty in Kosovo. The corruption within these organisations, she said, only contributes to the negative perception. As human rights students, we felt overwhelmed by the affluent lives that, for example, EULEX employees are leading amidst the extreme poverty of locals in Kosovo. We had not expected such a negative perception of the international presence from the locals and felt very conflicted about the work that was being done and whether it was being done by the right people. 2. KFOR visit Amongst the several international organizations working in Kosovo we all agree that NATO, in spite of its bellicose mandate, is doing an essential job not only for the coercive establishment of peace but also for the trust relationship which the armies concerned are building with local people. We had the feeling that something good was being created in this small city in the south of Kosovo and, apart from the military ways with which we were approached at our arrival and the freezing weather, we had a very interesting and clarifying day with the German Army, displaced in this area on behalf of the Alliance. Nevertheless, a brief introduction on exactly why the NATO is present in Kosovo seems necessary in order to clear up why students of a master in Human Rights are visiting a military base. On March 24, 1999, NATO decided to take extreme measures after peace talks failed in Rambouillet, France. It launched a military attack on the army of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, which, acting in the name of the Belgrade dictator Slobodan Milosevic, was terrorizing the non-serb population of Kosovo. Given the human rights violations in Kosovo, the alliance attacked - despite not having the required UN mandate. Of course now the situation has completely changed. As mentioned above, at our arrival the hospitality was pretty German : extremely formal and somehow intimidating. However, when we entered the block in which we were given a presentation of their roles and the history of war in Kosovo, the atmosphere soon turned into a dialogue in a comfortable setting. What surprised us the most is how accepted and comfortable

4 these soldiers feel in the city: they told us that people still stop them in the streets for photos and appreciate their presence for unconsciously restraining their fears. Though not doubting the good faith of soldiers, we still ask ourselves how daily life would be with soldiers in every street of our cities. Surely, reactions are subjective by definition but if on the one hand citizens feel very safe because they are protected, then on the other hand those people may ask themselves if there is still a need to be protected, especially years after the end of the war. In addition, as a side effect of this presence, what can push the locals to welcome foreign soldiers is also the economic contribution given to the city. Prizren, compared to Pristina for example, has nothing to envy other touristic places in the Balkans for. There is a palpable sense of a new beginning, at least among the majority of the Albanian population. To the left of the Sinan Pasha Mosque, which supposedly has the highest minaret in the area, are old narrow streets with many small shops waiting for curious tourists. We all had a great time in this small city, where Muslims and Christians continue learning everyday how to live together in peace. Besides the good atmosphere that we could experience during our short stay in the city, the presence of the German KFOR seems to remain crucial; this territory needs it, at least until the local police is able to ensure the safety of the population without prejudices and discriminations. 3. Meeting with the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs In order to better understand Kosovo s status in the international state system, we had the privilege of attending a meeting with the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of Kosovo, Petrit Selimi, at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. After heaving heard several politicians, NGOs and representatives from international organizations speak about the challenges they see within Kosovo, this meeting was particularly refreshing because it focused on Kosovo s role as a state on the international level. Surely, as many other Kosovar politicians, Selimi s task was to show us Kosovo in the best possible light. But by avoiding empty words, and by coming up with a profound knowledge of Kosovo s history and its socio-economic situation, Selimi convincingly proved that Kosovo s struggle to become a full member of the international state system would soon be rewarded.

5 After the meeting, while drinking a coffee in downtown Pristina, praised as the best in whole Europe by Selimi, we asked ourselves if the process of nation building in 21th century Europe might be an anachronism. Especially in the case of Kosovo where the agricultural sector seems to be doomed to failure, where an internationally scattered diaspora provides black money for officially unemployed people, and where the European Union is so near that fleeing the country is considered worth a try, building a stable, sustainable, independent state seems at least challenging. Thus, on the one hand, Selimi pointed out the importance of the domestic situation and of the willingness of the people to make Kosovo an internationally recognized success story. On the other hand, he explained how much more closely Kosovo s internal and external affairs are interlinked than any other state. If Kosovo succeeds on an international level meaning that, ideally, it would be granted full independence by Serbia, accepted as a UN and eventually maybe even a EU member state, the domestic situation is most likely to improve: foreign investment would take place and create employment in the tertiary production sector, Kosovo s attractiveness as a place of prosperity to its people would thus increase considerably, and open Schengen borders would boost trade agreements with its neighbors. What thrilled us during this meeting was Selimi s future-oriented way of thinking. As opposed to any other politician, he had a clear answer as to whether he thinks that Kosovo will soon be fully recognized as an independent state: Of course, he said, because Serbia wants to become a EU member state. Indeed, Serbia will presumably not be able to become a EU member state without accepting Kosovo s independence. Related to this, Selimi referred to the Serbian minority in Kosovo and said that their treatment will be a key issue regarding the relations between Kosovo and Serbia, and that their rights are ensured in the Kosovar Constitution, which states that all 6 ethnic groups in Kosovo have the same rights. Rightly asked why, in reality, those rights have de facto not yet been fully realized and why there are still tensions existing between ethnical groups in Kosovo, Selimi pointed out the improvements made in the last years, and that such a progressive constitution needs time to become fully realized, like Kosovo needs time to become a fully independent country, which no longer requires the support of international organizations.

6 4. Day trip to Mitrovica Our trip to Kosovo was certainly a real experience in every sense. Most of us probably arrived with preconceptions; we thought we would find a sad city, invaded by poverty and destroyed buildings. Instead we were met by warm and open people, willing to turn the page and look toward the future. We found a city full of cranes, building new and modern houses, although suffering more than 40% unemployment and the lowest GDP per capita of Europe ( 2,000). Only one negative thought comes to mind after the two-hour flight between Vienna and Pristina; to realize how close we had been this time, but how we ignored the suffering of the Kosovo people during the gruesome war. We cannot imagine a better place to experience the life in a post conflict area first hand; experience that is also a lesson of how hope can prevail. One of the most shocking moments for us on this trip was our visit to Mitrovica. Although diplomats of the EU and UN celebrated Kosovo s independence, a scar remained; Mitrovica. Two names for the same city: Mitrovica for the 90,000 Albanians who are mostly Muslim and who live south of the river; Ibar and Kosovska Mitrovica for the 20% of Christian-Orthodox Serbs occupying the north of the city. In the middle, the bridge patrolled by military of the NATO mission and Kosovar police. The principal characteristic of the city is that it is the center of conflict between Serbians and Pristina authorities. It is situated only 300 kilometers from Belgrade, the city that funds, among other things, the public works and hospitals in the area. During the golden years of Yugoslavia and until Tito s death, Mitrovica was one of the most successful cities in the region. Most of its population worked in the Mines of Trepca, which employed around 32,000 people. Today the industrial complex is in ruins. During the Kosovo war, the city was the epicenter of hard combats and since then nothing was ever the same. Albanians living in the north side were evicted and their houses occupied while Serbians from the south were forced to cross the bridge as a prisoners exchange. Nowadays the city is in an identity limbo; technically it is located in Kosovo but they use Serbian currency and number plates. Something that surprised us was how the Serbian side is

7 much more run-down than the Albanian side, but something even more shocking is their reaction to international military presence. One instance in which this sentiment was clarified was at the visit of Community Building Mitrovica (CBM). The executive director, Aferdita Sylay, told us that in Mitrovica, the Kosovarian Albanians want the international organisations to leave, while the Kosovarian Serbs are scared and want a continued presence. There is an apparent divide in local perception of the international presence in Kosovo between the Serbs and Albanians. As our wonderful and helpful local guide Uran explained to us, every time tensions arise, people go to the bridge. In this 34 meters wide and 125 steps space all the hatred and fury of the two communities that ignore yet keep on eye on one another is concentrated. In 2004 the tension peaked. The death of two young Albanians under mysterious circumstances gave rise to serious fights with the result of around two dozen victims. The tension climaxed in 2008 with Kosovo s independence. How do we see Mitrovica s future? KFOR admit that without the international military presence, only a little spark would be necessary to start the fire. Unfortunately we don t believe that neither this generation nor the next one will be able to bury the past and the hatred that unites them for good. In addition, the economical interest of organized crime does not help to overcome this situation. Certainly, the best way to reduce the tension between these two communities is to improve the economical conditions. Once you don t have to worry about your job, the rest of the problems seem trivial. All in all, we thoroughly enjoyed the Kosovo field trip and what it had to offer. We have gained a lot of insight about post-conflict settings which we will carry forward into our human rights careers: from national building, to reconciliation, to ethnic conflicts, interventions and the role of international organisations in such settings.